Fever Center

All over France long lines formed outside city halls as thousands of new voters, urged on politically by the stir of conflict and prodded legally by the risk of a fine for failure to register, rushed to put their names on the polling lists. In the first four days, 1,200,000 new voters were recorded, and election fever gripped the nation. By week's end, 28 "national" parties and some 700 local "lists" had entered a total of 5,000 candidates for the Assembly's 622 seats.

The fever's center wais Pierre Mendes-France. Working feverishly to patch together in four weeks the coalition he had hoped to have six months to build, Mendes announced the formation of a "Republican Front" comprising his sector of the Radical Socialists, some ex-Gaullists, and the small U.D.S.R. But without the Socialists it would be a front without depth. The Communists, who captured one vote out of every four cast in 1951, were also wooing the Socialists with talk of a new front that could sweep them back into a position of major power.

"Best of the Others." Last week the Socialists met to wrestle with temptation. Candidates threatened with defeat argued vigorously for the Communist alliance. "We can join forces in strictly local arrangements, and if necessary, walk out on them later," they pleaded.

But Lameduck Premier Edgar Faure reminded everyone of a half-forgotten provision in the 1951 electoral laws, banning local alliances which are not approved by a party's national leadership. And the national leadership was firm. Said Socialist Boss Guy Mollet, a mild-mannered but tough-minded ex-professor of English: "One doesn't throw oneself into the arms of those who for years have tried to strangle us and have killed our Socialist brothers in the prisons of enslaved Europe." Leaders of the Socialist unions (Force Ouvriere) backed Mollet: "For us to ally with Communists would deliver the death blow to free trade unions." The Communist alliance was rejected 1,979 to 1,243. With that settled, alliance with Mendes was the next issue. Good European Guy Mollet, who has never completely forgiven Mendes for torpedoing EDC, nonetheless favored an alliance with him: "He's not one of us, but he's the best of the others." The alliance was approved overwhelmingly.

His major allies assured, Mendes tried hard to complete the dominance of his own Radical Socialists. He plans wherever possible to run youthful "Jacobin" candidates against supporters of his longtime friend, Edgar Faure, who is now his dearest enemy. In the interest of "clarity," he expelled seven top opponents, chief among them ex-Premier Rene Mayer, whose scathing attack on Mendes over North Africa brought Mendes' downfall. In L'Express, Mendes laid down the lines of his campaign. The real choice, he proclaimed, "is between action and immobility, between the promoters of action and those guilty of 'immobilism.' "

Three-Way Divide. Less noisily, Faure and supporters made plans of their own. Working agreements were concluded for alliances among Faure's right-wing Radicals, Robert Schuman's Popular Republicans, and Antoine Pinay's conservative Independents. With the main battle lines drawn, political observers guessed that Faure-Pinay rightists would emerge as the biggest winners with about 250 seats, Mendes and his allies with perhaps 150; the Communists were expected to pick up 20 seats or so for a total of 120. Thus the probability was a new Assembly divided into three major blocs, with no clear majority, and nearly as ungovernable as the old.

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