Stratagems & Ambushes

The two strong-willed men of Continental Europe showed the mettle of their leadership last week.

Confrontation. West Germany's Chancellor Konrad Adenauer returned from the U.S. to find not only his opposition but leaders in his own coalition loudly complaining that he had given in too much to France on the Saar. Opportunistic Thomas Dehler, who had accepted the Saar accord in Paris on behalf of his right-wing Free Democratic Party, had changed his mind back in Bonn. There were elections soon in Bavaria and Hesse, and political profit to be made by attacking the agreement. Not to be outdone, the small Refugee and German parties began outshouting Dehler. Scornfully, Konrad Adenauer dressed them all down in a radio broadcast: "The elections in Hesse and Bavaria are not the yardsticks with which one should measure one's policy."

Two days later, Der Alte confronted Dehler and his FDP leaders in his office at Palais Schaumburg. In conciliatory fashion, he offered to convey to the French any points the FDP had to make. Experts were scheduled to meet to work out some details anyway, and the points could be brought up then. The FDP leaders emerged looking pleased. Exuberantly, Party Deputy Chairman August Martin Euler told newsmen that there were going to be new Saar talks with the French. "Reopening of Saar talks," said the headlines. No such thing, answered the French Foreign Office. Hastily the German Foreign Office sent off assurances to Paris that Adenauer had no intention of asking Premier Mendes-France for any "interpretations" or "protocols." Adenauer had only promised the FDP to put their points to the French. He was still in full command of the situation.

Confidence. In Paris, as he had promised he would, Mendes-France got the Assembly to schedule debate on the Paris agreements the week of Dec. 13. Then he plunged into what the French call the terrain de l'embuscade (ambush country) of French politics--the budget. Most of France's 19 postwar governments have been trapped and brought down not on the high ground of national or foreign policy, but in the tricky thickets of the budget.

Characteristically, Mendes tried to flush out lurking marauders at the start. French Deputies hate to raise taxes but love to raise the salaries of government workers. Since the Assembly cannot increase the government's allocations, its favorite device for forcing the government to increase salaries is to send any budget item back to committee. Mendes sternly warned that he would tolerate no "untoward maneuvers." Unbelieving, the members of the Assembly went right ahead, prepared to send back to committee the estimate for the Ministry of Posts and Telegraphs.

Mendes stalked to the rostrum. Tight-lipped and curt, he announced that he was making the approval of this minor item a matter of confidence, and staking his government on the outcome. What was more, he warned he would repeat this procedure as often as necessary to get the budget voted on time.

Deputies grumbled unhappily about "government by machine gun," but few thought the Assembly would dare to refuse Mendes his vote of confidence. He was too popular with the country, his victories at London and Paris too recent, his scheduled visit to Washington too close. They grumbled; but Mendes-France, too, seemed to be well in control of things.

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