A Problem of Conscience

In France's Senate, known as the Council of the Republic, sit some of the most emphatic opponents of the European Defense Community and its six-nation army. Standing before them last week was glum little Georges Bidault, France's Foreign Minister, who had never really made himself clear on the subject. In the councils of the Big Three Foreign Ministers, M. Bidault seemed to favor EDC. In the divided domestic councils of France, agile

M. Bidault seemed often to oppose it.

Now his time of decision had come--and M. Bidault was for EDC. He asked the Senators: "Since German rearmament is inevitable, do we want it to be controlled or not?"

Noncommittal Hint. In Britain, in Germany and in France itself there was increasing talk of bringing Germany into full-fledged membership in NATO if France continued to block the European Army. France, with its veto inside NATO and its position as one of the occupiers of Germany, might block such a move. But could France block it indefinitely? Bidault thought not. "In that case," said he, "Germany could, on an equal footing with the other powers, reconstitute her military might without being in any way controlled by the other nations. The EDC, on the contrary, sets up limitations within the European framework. Our choice is clear.

"To decide what is good for Europe and for our country is a matter of reason, of faith and instinct. It is a problem of conscience for each one of us, and I have spoken in accordance with mine."

The Senate, which for the most part is limited to recommending, did not rise in rousing support of M. Bidault's words. In fact, it voted down a Socialist proposal for endorsement of the EDC principle. But it also threw out, without even a vote, a Communist proposal to condemn EDC. Then it approved--240 to 74--a resolution which, while essentially noncommittal, hinted that EDC will get a majority in the Senate when time comes for a final recommendation.

Economy of Thought. The prospect of an even more unpleasant alternative to EDC seems to be working its yeasty chemistry on French public opinion. Last month Winston Churchill bluntly told the French that if they fail to ratify EDC, "we shall have no choice in prudence but to fall in with some new arrangement." Publicly, everyone concerned insists that no alternative to EDC is being contemplated. Konrad Adenauer has said: "With an economy of thought, I refuse to consider alternatives." Privately, he confesses to being as concerned as any Frenchman at a possible revival of German militarism, and wants the safeguards of EDC to protect his own people..

The impetus for West German rearmament, with or without safeguards, is growing. The military men of NATO insist that German arms are needed to defend Western Europe. Diplomats, particularly in the U.S., believe that German rearmament is necessary before the West can be strong enough to force diplomatic concessions from Moscow. Businessmen, particularly in Britain, want German rearmament so that German industry will have to contribute its share to the common defense, instead of being free to spend all its energy on grabbing world markets.

The end to the Allied occupation of West Germany is tied directly to final ratification of the EDC. Adenauer's policy has been to avoid demands or outbursts which would harm EDC's chances in the French Assembly. But opposition Socialists and many of Adenauer's own colleagues are now urging him to press for German sovereignty without getting involved in the European Army. "If something does not begin developing after the French presidential elections in mid-December," said one German last week, "we'll begin to shout out loud what we have been thinking all along."

As more & more Frenchmen are beginning to realize, the time when they must choose is not many weeks off. Their decision has been delayed for two years already. By early 1954 they will have to decide.

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