Revolt in the Land

Not until days later did the full scope of the violence in East Germany become clear: it was not an isolated day of rebellion in East Berlin alone. Across the 41,390 square miles of East Germany, where the Reds rule under the protection of 300,000 Soviet occupation troops, Germans rose up.

It had all the earmarks of genuine revolt, checked sternly and bloodily by Soviet military might and trigger-quick Red German police, but not by any means extinguished. It seemed spontaneous and uncoordinated, but tailored to a strikingly universal pattern that showed that the old techniques and militance of German social democracy had not been crushed by eight years of Red oppression.

From the Communists' own admissions, and from the lips of rebels who made it to West Germany before the Red police could find them, came stories of "little East Berlins" over all East Germany:

Near Chemnitz, in the highly sensitive Saxony uranium mines area, where not only Soviet troops but the Soviet MVD mount stringent guard, workers rose up and destroyed mining facilities. Apparently thousands joined in.

Near Brandenburg, 2,000 workers in the Walz Werke (steel rolling mill) dropped their tools and formed a strike committee when they heard of the rebellion in Berlin from West Berlin's U.S.-sponsored RIAS radio. During the night some of their leaders were arrested; next day they all struck, and would not return to work even after a Russian officer offered to free the arrested men if they would go back. Joined by strikers from a rope plant and tractor factory, they marched around the mill demanding lower production norms and a 40% cut in prices, shouted for overthrow of the Communist regime, tore down Communist posters, ripped party pins off Communist lapels. They marched on Brandenburg proper, stormed the city prison and freed political prisoners. They spotted the district attorney, seized him, handcuffed him, threw him atop a police car and beat him to death. A "people's judge," found cowering in the courthouse, was mauled, had one of his ears ripped off before a friend saved him. Soviet tanks and Volkspolizei finally brought quiet to Brandenburg.

Near Magdeburg, 6,000 workers in a rayon plant milled around the plant shouting slogans, had to be dispersed with rubber truncheons and fire hoses. Twelve thousand workers of the Karl Liebknecht heavy machinery plant, marching on the city, were confronted by Soviet troopers who fired over their heads and by Volkspolizei who fired directly into the mob. Five fell dead. Before they gave up, the strikers released 20 political prisoners from the jail, wrecked Red trade union headquarters.

In Leipzig, 1,400 zinc and steel workers marched on strike, tore hats and guns away from traffic policemen who tried to halt them, grabbed Leipzig Mayor Uhlich and forced him to march at the head, his chest covered with a sign saying: "Down with the Government!" Where one German fell dead from a Vopo's bullet, the revolters heaped flowers and set up a sign: "Here a German was shot to death by a German."

In Halle, workers burned the big Leuna synthetic gasoline plant and struck the Buna synthetic rubber factory.

Though they had failed to win the revolters had not failed completely. Their revolt could well mean the end for the puppet Communist government that rules 18 million East Germans under Kremlin orders. In confusion and disgrace, Premier Otto Grotewohl, Deputy Premier (and real boss) Walter Ulbricht and their assistant commissars sat morosely on the sidelines this week, while Soviet tanks governed their country and the Kremlin pondered whose necks would feel the ax.

With a crude mixture of soft promises and harsh oppression, the Soviet masters sought to quiet the land and pluck out the roots of the rebellion. The puppet government was ordered to confess that its errors had caused the trouble, and to promise a sweeter life--abolition of the recent 10% work speedup decree, increased pensions, better housing. Soviet troops and Vopos combed towns and countryside for strike leaders, marked thousands--including almost 30,000 ex-Wehimacht officers--for automatic arrest. Occasionally came a cold announcement that "justice" had been done. Still, the Reds admitted, "calm is far from being assured."

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