Fact & Fiction

The inauguration parade had barely passed before Washington's pundits--both certified and curbstone varieties--were passing the word that President Eisenhower's honeymoon with Congress was over. When the House Committee on Government Operations voted to restrict the President's powers to reorganize Government departments (by giving the Congress power to overrule reorganization measures by a simple majority), predictions were freely made that things were even worse: it was the beginning of a bitter feud.

But the committee vote turned out to be the result of a misunderstanding: some Congressmen had a mistaken idea that Ike was agreeable to having his reorganization powers curtailed. This was straightened out, and last week the House voted to continue the powers held by Harry Truman (i.e., a reorganization action may be overruled only by a majority of the full membership of the House). The count: 389 for extending presidential powers, five against. The Senate concurred on a voice vote.

The action of the two houses reflects the reality of the Washington political situation. Ike is not a party boss; he does not control Congress. Neither does Robert Taft or anybody else. On nearly everything that Eisenhower wants, he is in agreement with a substantial majority of Congress. The only combination that could threaten the majority would be a highly unlikely coalition of Taftites and Northern Democrats.

This does not mean that the Administration can get precisely what it wants out of Congress or that it does not run the risk of defeat on some important issues. But the basic agreement between White House and Congress is more substantial than it has been for years, much more substantial than is suggested by the slim G.O.P. majorities in both houses. For the moment, at least, realistic politicians recognize talk of a White House v. Congress rift for what it is: talk.

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