The Durable Party

Worse things than the Eisenhower landslide have happened to the Democratic Party. It survived the Civil War and it survived William Jennings "Bryan--which would indicate that it is as nearly immortal as a political party can be. On the morrow of 1952's defeat, its political power is still strong, with only a few votes separating it from control of House and Senate. More important is the fact that millions of voters who switched to Ike had a hard time making up their minds; they could easily switch back if the country got into a serious economic recession or met grave setbacks in foreign affairs. The Democratic Party in the 1952 convention and in the campaign displayed great vitality: a hard-hitting variety of oratorical range from Truman to Barkley to Stevenson; a press which, while outnumbered by the Republican papers, is aggressive and devoted; a warmth and color that runs through the intermediate leadership; and the loyalty of most intellectuals, the famous eggheads, who are very useful allies since they write the books, are heard on the airwaves and educate the nation's youth.

With all this, the Democratic Party is obviously neither dead nor dying--but its leaves look healthier than its roots. The Eisenhower victory broke both ends of the Roosevelt coalition--both the Southern conservatives and the Northern cities. This is the kind of coalition that needs the cement of power; in opposition, the parts are almost certain to increase their internal strife. Many 1952 Democratic voters stayed with the party out of fear that the Republicans would "take it away." No answer to that in words can possibly be so effective as an answer in facts. If the Republicans do not take it away, the Democrats may expect further losses in the 1954 congressional elections.

The pre-New Deal taproots of the Democratic Party lay in Appomattox and Castle Garden. Appomattox* was the Southern loathing of Republicanism which was bred in Reconstruction days. Castle Garden was New York City's famed immigration station through which passed the millions who were politically organized in the great Democratic city machines. Appomattox and Castle Garden helped the Democratic Party survive through the Republican decades between the Civil War and 1932. Now the big city machines are shot: Chicago's Jack Arvey could not even carry Cook County; the Tammany Tiger is a sick old alley cat; Boss Hague's Jersey City baronage is gone. This decline has been going on for 40 years, and there is little possibility that the city machines can be put together again. Millions of the immigrants have entered the American middle class, and millions more are attracted by the Republican Party, which was and is largely a middle-class party in ideals.

Even on the front of the Democratic intellectuals new opposition has shown itself. Cracks have appeared in the anti-middle-class, anti-capitalist tone that dominated U.S. writing before the war. In a few years, a novel with a morally respectable businessman may not be a rarity. In the coming generation, the $2,000-a-week Hollywood liberal may be deader as a type than Arthur Miller's Salesman.

So the Democrats may be in deeper trouble than they have ever faced since Andrew Jackson came over the mountains. They may be, but Jackson's party is tough as hickory. It may strike new roots. Whether it does, depends very largely on the Republicans, whose present political position is full of suspense, danger and opportunity.

As for Appomattox in 1952, Eisenhower almost carried the county--the vote: Stevenson 957, Ike 929-

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