Moment of Opportunity

Some 70 years ago, a reform-minded general named Arabi Pasha led his brother officers in overthrowing a corrupt Egyptian government. After a sharp look at the crusading officers, England's great colonizer, Lord Milner, wrote: "It is possible to approve their aims and yet to disbelieve entirely in their capacity to carry them out." Eight months after he took power, Arabi fell, unable to control the forces he had unleashed.

Now a new reforming general, Mohammed Naguib, is in power. How is he doing? In three weeks he has become Egypt's Indispensable man. Rarely in history has so much power been won with so little effort. Starting out to purge Egypt's army, Naguib became Egypt's ruler; vowing a distaste for politics, he has become through default his country's leading politician. Last week the reluctant ruler had the enthusiastic sanction of the people and the press, the anxious respect of the politicians, and the hopeful if sluggish attention of the Western powers.

So far, Mohammed Naguib has done a good job: changed the laws to encourage foreign capital; refused to reconvene the Parliament, which the corrupt Wafd Party dominates; freed the press, abolished censorship, the secret police and titles of nobility. He has vowed to limit the size of landholdings and to attack "indirect taxes whose burdens fall on the poor."

"Now We Warn." Naguib told the political parties: "Purge yourselves," and in three days the corrupt Wafd expelled 14 small fry, including three former ministers, hoping Naguib wouldn't notice that the two big boys, Mustafa el Nahas and Fuad Serag el Din were still running things. But Naguib did notice, snapped: "I am not satisfied." This week he added: "We have advised. Now we warn. Next we shall act. We have had enough of corruption."

He went out of his way to invite the West's friendship, and to assure foreign businessmen in Cairo that their interests would be protected. While promising never to forsake the Sudan (where he was born 51 years ago of an Egyptian father, a Sudanese mother), he refrained from the usual rabble-rousing demands for it, instead said: "We want to be on friendly terms with Great Britain." Speaking to foreign correspondents, he asked military aid "from the United States, Britain or any other Western democratic state," added: "But will I get it?"

Last week, a high-ranking U.S. observer in Cairo cracked a smile for the first time in months as he summed up: "We're sold on Naguib. He's almost too good to be true. But," he added, "the men around him have us worried."

The Surrounding Hawks. Hovering around Naguib at every press conference, watching him, watching the reporters, and watching each other like hawks are three or four tough, determined-looking young officers. They do not hesitate to cut Naguib off in mid-sentence to whisper advice, at times even take over touchy questions and answers themselves, leaving him with his mouth wide open. After one such passage last week, a reporter asked: "Is that what you think too, General?" "Yes," smiled Naguib tolerantly.

At such times, Naguib appears less like the strong man and more like the presiding officer of a strong-minded group. In a sense, that is what he is. On taking over leadership of the Free Officers coup against Farouk (TIME, Aug. 4), Naguib inherited a six-man operating group of majors and colonels, and added four of his own men. To this day, this committee makes all the big decisions jointly. Inside, there are sharply divergent viewpoints. So far, Naguib, who outranks the others in years, prestige, personality and brains, has managed to keep the hotbloods pulling together; on crucial issues, he is boss. No officers accompany him to his almost daily private talk with his handpicked Premier, Aly Maher.

If the Western powers reply to Naguib's friendly gesture by offering one of their own--military aid, a compromise in the Sudan, or a more acceptable formula for a Middle East Command--the general and the moderates would be strengthened. But last week, while they sort of liked Naguib, the chancelleries of Great Britain and the U.S. were not letting this opportunity interfere much with their summer routine.

In its usual fashion, the Foreign Office let word leak that if Naguib wants to improve relations, it is up to him. And in its usual fashion, the U.S. State Department inertly decided to follow the British.

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