The Problem of Per

The Problem of Peron

U.S.-Argentine relations were worse last week than they had been in years. Washington had tried hard to understand the Peronista outlook; it had hoped that by using euphemisms for "dictator," granting fat loans and looking the other way when freedom and justice were violated, it could turn Juan Peron away from totalitarianism. But Washington was wrong.

In speech after speech Peron had proclaimed equal distaste for Russian Communism and U.S. capitalism. Then Peron forcibly suppressed the independent newspaper La Prensa and jailed two U.S. journalists for trying to report the event (TIME, March 12).

All this was complicated by Juan Peron's own unpredictable course. The same Strong Man who publicly protested that Argentina must keep its "third position" had, in the past five years, told U.S. Ambassadors George Messersmith, James Bruce and Stanton Griffis that Argentina would fight on the U.S. side in a third World War. He had repeated the sentiment last year to Assistant Secretary of State Edward Miller. Afterwards, Miller had fought through a $125 million credit for Peron in Washington, insisting that no strings be attached. Last week Miller was back from another visit to Buenos Aires, smarting from a brushoff that was insulting not only to him but to the U.S.

Climb the Stairs. Peron, who had spent hours in private talks with Miller on his last visit, all but refused to see him this time. He met Miller only in the presence of eight or more aides. Miller never got a chance to tell Peron what the U.S. thought of the suppression of La Prensa.

Instead, after one presidential luncheon, Evita Peron whisked the U.S. envoy off with a car of ministers on a tour of one of her Social Aid Foundation's new hospitals. The elevators were not yet ready, so she marched the party up & down the seven floors of the building. As they puffed up one stairway, Finance Minister Ramon Cereijo wheezed: "Where's the psychotherapy ward? I'm ready to go in." All agreed that Evita, talking warmly and frankly with "Amiga Miller" about how much she wanted the U.S. and Argentina to be friends and work together, put on a terrific performance.

Moreover, even during two brief encounters, Peron managed to convey to Miller the impression that he still regarded himself as a U.S. ally. His subordinates predicted that Argentina's behavior at this month's Washington conference of American foreign ministers will prove that he is. But by week's end, the anti-U.S. line of the Peronista press had changed not a whit. The screw was turned yet tighter on La Prensa.

Draw the Line. Back in Washington, Miller was not cooled off enough to see what he would recommend next. Hard experience has taught U.S. officials that denouncing Peron only makes him more popular in his own country. There was no blinking the geographical fact that Argentina is part of the Americas. There could be no question of U.S. meddling in Argentine internal affairs. But there was a line that democracy had to draw. At the very least, the U.S. would probably have to stop pushing so hard for Peron's friendship.

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