Fellow Students

CHINA Fellow Students

Said China's urbane and distinguished scholar, Dr. Hu Shih, once Ambassador to the U.S. and now a delegate to Nanking's National Assembly: "We're only schoolboys in democratic politics. We're now in the classroom trying to learn."

But if the Assembly was unruly as a country schoolhouse last week, its very disorder cheered those skeptics who had feared that delegates from the powerful Kuomintang would act as whips and bosses rather than fellow students. Instead, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek urged the people to safeguard their own rights, become their own tutors, Chiang even suggested that the time for his own retirement had come.

From Nanking, TIME Correspondent Frederick Gruin cabled this account of China's emergent democracy: Generalissimo Chiang came onstage, a little hesitantly, like a student crossing the threshold of a new school. He took his seat as first of the newly elected Praesidium's rotating chairmen, had hardly donned his spectacles before things began to crackle. The Praesidium had limited opening debate to its proposed rules of procedure. But Wu Ho-hsien, an insistent delegate from Shansi, demanded that the Gissimo first explain his recent letter to Carson Chang, head of the minority Social Democrats. If the Generalissimo had promised Chang adoption of the Political Consultation Conference's constitutional draft, why have an Assembly at all, Wu asked. The floor resounded with hurrahs and hoots.

Is It Like This? The Gissimo explained that he had written as Kuomintang Party leader, not as head of the Government. Then he proposed that the procedural rules be acted upon chapter by chapter. The delegates disagreed, pressed the little voting buttons that flashed on huge scoreboards their decision to send the rules to a special examination committee.

During the noon recess, in Assembly corridors and tearooms, self- conscious delegates bent the ears of foreign observers: What do you think of us? Is the American Congress...the British Parliament...like this? Over lunch in his red brick residence, Chiang told a group of delegates that a popularly elected Government must enact the new constitution. "Otherwise," he said, "I'd become another Yuan Shih-kai."*

Back from the recess, black-gowned Hu Shih proposed that the Assembly sit as a committee of the whole instead of wasting time with an examination committee. The Generalissimo attempted to speak. Yelling delegates interrupted, forced him to sit down. Hu Shih's proposal finally won, with debate limited to five-minute speeches. When a bellicose balcony delegate went beyond the limit, the Generalissimo rang the warning bell on his left. The delegate spoke on. The Gissimo rang a similar bell on his right. The delegate was not deterred. Chiang stood gritting his teeth until the delegate had had his say.

When the Generalissimo came onstage again, three days later, it was not as chairman but as Government head. Speaking simply and without a text, for 35 minutes Chiang reviewed the history of the revolution, the goals of Sun Yatsen, his own discipleship. Then, renouncing all political ambition, Chiang gave his considered counsel:

Heavenly Consolation. "Sun Yat-sen said that the guiding spirit of the five-power principle is the division of rights and power.. . .But for a thousand years, the Chinese people have lacked the training to protect their rights. Frankly, we can say that they have not yet the ability or the habit. . . . They must be shielded against power.

"When we reach the stage where the people can protect themselves, there will be no danger in the ideal constitution of Sun Yat-sen and the Double Fifth. . . .

Since Sun Yat-sen's death I have done my best to conform with his every word, however imperfectly. . . . Now, at 60, I can tell you that I have no political ambitions. ... I fear I can no longer do the job as well as formerly. I must give the responsibility back to the people, and the people must learn to protect their rights. . . . But in the present situation, while the people are learning, I believe the Double Fifth constitution is not suitable. . . . Don't pass an inadequate or impractical constitution, lest China be harmed. Consider the rights and welfare of the people. Only then will Dr. Sun Yat-sen and all our revolutionary dead be consoled in Heaven. . . ."

The Generalissimo bowed and departed. Outside, it was snowing--an omen, say the Chinese, of Heaven's favor.

*The "Benedict Arnold of the Chinese Revolution," Yuan Shih-kai became Provisional President of the Chinese Republic in March 1912. The next year he disrupted the Assembly called to draft a permanent constitution, outlawed the Kuomintang Party and established himself as dictator. In 1915 Yuan restored the monarchy with himself as Emperor, but was forced to renounce the throne a few months later.

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