History in Anti-Climax

For six days last week the U.S. Senate laboriously wrestled with a job of making history. It was certain that the United Nations Charter would be ratified by a thumping majority, but the air in the green-carpeted chamber was heavy with the importance of the task. Crowds of men and women, many in uniform, came to the galleries, day after day. Some of them expected to hear historic debate. There was none, because the issue had already been settled.

What anger and bitterness remained was spent by Montana's Burton K. Wheeler in a quarrelsome, three-hour speech about the peace. He grudgingly announced his intention to vote for the Charter, but he argued against most of its major premises. The "real fight," he promised, would come when legislation to implement U.S. participation reaches the Senate--perhaps not for more than a year. Then there would be a lot to say about Article 43 (which binds the U.S. and other participants to make armed forces available to fight aggression).

After Senator Wheeler's speech, debate whirled on a thin point of interpretation: would U.S. agreements under Article 43 require approval by a two-thirds majority vote of the Senate, or by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress? The point was the nub of opposition strategy. If a two-thirds Senate vote were required, then the opposition might have a later chance. The point made odd allies. Administration men, such as Alben Barkley and Tom Connally, found themselves on the two-thirds side with Burt Wheeler.

The dispute was soon settled by President Truman, who cabled from Potsdam that any Article 43 agreements would be submitted by him to Congress as a whole.

When the vote came, it was an anticlimax. Only North Dakota's lone-wolf William Langer and Minnesota's tall, grey Henrik Shipstead voted against it. The ayes: 35 Republicans, 53 Democrats and one Progressive. For a historic step there was no cheering, no demonstration. The gallery crowd went away quietly.

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