Of Mice & Lions

It took the Big Five twelve hectic San Francisco days to agree on an interpretation of the Yalta veto formula (TIME, June 18). In just half that time they made the Little Forty-five take--but not like--the Big Power version. The accompanying scrap gave San Francisco its liveliest week, portrayed world attitudes and worries in plain folks' language.

The Forest. Mexico's Alfonso Garcia Robles averred that the right of any one of the Big Five to veto Security Council action created "a system of order in the forest which will keep the mice in order, but not the lions."

No mouse, Australia's rip-snorting Herbert Vere Evatt said that the Big Five interpretation was narrower than a version given previously by Sir Alexander Cadogan (rhymes with huggin'). Britain's Professor Charles Kingsley Webster said that Sir Alexander made a mistake because New Zealand's Peter Fraser caught him by surprise with a question. Fraser retorted that Cadogan had checked the transcript of the answer with him. Snapped Fraser to Webster: "Don't try to slide out by making misstatements. What you are doing is dishonest." U.S. Senator Tom Connally, who was presiding, got Fraser to withdraw the "dishonest."

Gently but firmly, Britain's Lord Halifax came to the Big Powers' defense. "These documents," said he, "represent the highest point of agreement among the Big Five and they cannot be further modified." Barked Connally to the objectors: "Do you want to tear up the charter?" To emphasize the point Connally tore to confetti some papers in front of him.

All in all, the Committee on Structure & Procedures had quite a week. But there could be only one result: the Committee voted 30-to-2 (with 15 eloquently abstaining) to accept the Yalta formula as interpreted by the Big Five. On the critical test -- an amendment by Evatt -- the "blocs" split wide open. The Empire went neatly into thirds: Australia and New Zealand voted against the Big Five formula; Britain and South Africa voted for it; Canada and India abstained. Only five Latin Americans stuck with the U.S. Even Iran, which has played close to Russia, voted against the Big Five.

21-to-21. Another Big v. Little row developed when Egypt suggested that the Security Council, in keeping the peace, should act only "in conformity with the principles of justice and international law." Halifax and Harold Stassen pointed out that in stopping disputes the Council was a policeman, not a judge, and that it could not wait to adjudicate rights & wrongs while the brawl went on. Said Stassen : "The people of this world want to establish an organization which, when there is a fight, will say 'Stop fighting.

Period!'; or when any one is ready to fight will say 'You must not fight. Period!' " That was enough to defeat the amend ment, 21-to-21.

Sovereignty Again. The Big Powers wanted an amendment forbidding the Eco nomic and Social Council to interfere with matters "essentially within the domestic jurisdiction" of member states.

The small nations, led by Belgium, wanted to make it read "solely within the juris diction." John Foster Dulles won the day for the U.S. view by pointing out that almost no economic matter was "solely" within a single nation's purview.

President Truman this week would face an assemblage worn by its labors, set on edge by its dissensions, pleased with its broad measure of agreement.

Nerves were a little frayed, delegates were wearied by eight weeks of legalism, bewildered by sentences such as one from the debate last week: "The Council can only discuss whether a dispute can be discussed and can only investigate whether it would be investigated." The charter draft showed the effect of this sort of talk. Dean Virginia Gildersleeve thought it a shame that the Pre amble, at least, was not rid of legal writing so that it would be an inspiration to the world. Fraser agreed. He suggested that the Preamble be given to Poet Archibald MacLeish, Assistant Secretary of State, so that he could imbue it with "life and soul and spirit."

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