"Realistic" Internationalism

The No. 1 and No. 2 GOPresidential possibilities last week effectively laid the specter of Republican isolationism. They removed the broad objectives of U.S. foreign policy from 1944 campaign debate. And they gave assurance to U.S. allies and enemies alike that, whichever party wins in November, the U.S. will not abandon its international responsibilities.

Speaking in Manhattan two days apart, more explicitly than either has before, New York's Governor Thomas E. Dewey and Ohio's Governor John W. Bricker were substantially agreed on a Republican foreign-policy plank. Its keynote: "realistic" internationalism, solidly based on national self-interest.

Speeches and Friends. Governor Backer's speech was the more surprising, and perhaps the more significant. This was because his foreign-policy utterances have hitherto been models of political generality; because the Old Guard has fondly regarded him as the most domestic-minded of candidates; because he is from the Midwest, where latent isolationism is supposed to be most deeply rooted. But John Bricker has lately begun to surprise more & more people who have hitherto dismissed him as a personable, amiable man who, though an excellent speaker and administrator, lacks any serious qualifications for the Presidency. Patiently campaigning up & down the land, Bricker has quietly been making friends. His speech last week, delivered to New York's Ohio Society, measurably increased his stature as a Presidential possibility.

The Ohio Governor began by forthrightly tossing overboard the longtime Republican myth that the U.S. was somehow lured into World Wars I and II by a combination of British propaganda and the world-spanning idealism of two Democratic Presidents. Said he: "We were drawn in because we had become of such great importance in world affairs, economically and politically, that we could not escape involvement. Neither Germany in the last war, nor Germany and Japan in this war, could hope to achieve world domination so long as the United States stood strong and free in this hemisphere. We have always had a tremendous stake in world order and stability."

"Our National Interests." After this resolute clearing of the ground, Governor Bricker proceeded to build his own foreign-policy platform. He came out flatly for U.S. participation in "a cooperative organization of sovereign nations. . . . The major purpose of such an institution must be to establish a reign of law among nations. . . . Personally, I have always felt that the United States should join the World Court."

He declared himself against an international police force, or any military alliance. But, pending the formation of a permanent world organization, he asserted that the U.S., Britain, Russia and China "must assume joint responsibility for world order." This they should do by agreeing at once to maintain adequate military force in the immediate postwar period, entering a "temporary and transitional compact" which would also be open to "other nations willing to assume their share of responsibility." They should also begin at once a "continuing study of such problems as currencies, credits, tariffs, air rights, markets and international trade." For, he observed, "the machinery of peace will be effective only if it relieves the tensions that cause wars."

Cautious John Bricker's speech was the antithesis of a call-to-crusade. But, if the Wisconsin primary vote was any gauge, he struck close to the current U.S. mood as he declared: "The time has come when an American President should be courageous enough to speak out for America -- for our rights and for our convictions. . . . We should be just as diligent in protecting our own national interests as our allies are diligent in protecting theirs. . . . We alone cannot repair the destruction of this war. We cannot buy international good will. Our major effort should be to help others help themselves."

"Durable Cohesion." Two days later Governor Dewey spoke out for the national interest in strikingly similar phrases. Though calling for "prompt measures to establish a system of general international cooperation," he declared: "Good will cannot be bought with gold. Good will flows irresistibly to the man who successfully manages his own affairs . . . yet is considerate always of the rights and needs of others."

Already on record in favor of a U.S. British alliance, Tom Dewey broadened his scope and added a new phrase to the glossary of internationalism by urging "durable cohesion between Great Britain and ourselves, together, I hope, with Russia and China." Of Russia he said: "Russian affairs are in the hands of hardheaded, realistic leaders. That is nothing we should be afraid of, provided we are equally realistic and devoted to our country." "Conclusive Proof." Both speeches got a uniformly good press, from both New Deal and Republican papers. More significant, perhaps, was the pleased reaction in England. The London News-Chronicle hoped it would not be charged with interference in U.S. affairs when it expressed satisfaction at the "tone and substance" of Governor Dewey's words. The Times breathed: "Very remarkable." And the liberal Manchester Guardian added: "That Governor Bricker, the 'safest' of the other Presidential candidates, has also come out for participation is conclusive proof of how Republican leaders read the popular desire."

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so reader's discretion is required.