For Britain

Long before the Prime Minister's speaking time, the restive House was jampacked. Not in five months had the House of Commons heard from its star reporter, the man who more than any other could cast events in "scale, structure and proportion." Since then the Allied world had passed through the Moscow and Teheran meetings, known high hope and dour doubt. Now,' on his red leather bench, Winston Churchill champed, shuffled a handful of notes, twice rose in a false start before the Speaker gave him the sign. For one hour and 18 minutes, the full, familiar voice spoke.

The canvas was tattered, tortured Europe and the problems which it presents to Britain and the world. On Europe's battlefronts Winston Churchill could see no guaranty of victory in 1944 (see p. 36). His only certainty was the vast uncertainty of Europe. Above all else he was aware of the hard, urgent job of winning a coalition peace and of keeping Britain co-equal in that peace: "It is upon . . . prolonged, intimate and honorable association [of the three great Allies] that the future of the world depends."

With Russia. For Britain's sake, Winston Churchill addressed his words as much to the Kremlin as to Parliament's back benches. Flatly he affirmed Britain's obligations to the Polish Government in Exile, as flatly took a stand against that Government in its border dispute with Moscow:

"Russia has the right of reassurance against future attacks from the West, and we are going all the way with her to see that she gets it. ... We . . . have never . . . guaranteed . . . any particular frontier line to Poland. . . . The British view . . . stands expressed in the so-called Curzon Line. . . . Marshal Stalin ... agreed upon the need for Poland to obtain [territorial] compensation at the expense of Germany. . . . [He is] resolved upon the creation ... of a strong, integral, independent Poland. . . ."

Against Mihailovich. What everyone, particularly Moscow, had long known about Yugoslavia, Winston Churchill now broadcast: The forces of Draja Mihailovich had "made accommodations with [Axis] troops. ... In Marshal Tito the Partisans have found an outstanding leader, glorious in the fight for freedom." Thus Churchill disowned the Royal Yugoslav-Cairo Government's support of General Mihailovich. But the Prime Minister did not disown that Government's titular head, 20-year-old King Peter II. Said Churchill: "We cannot disassociate ourselves in any way from [King Peter]." The implication held a hope: that Peter might yet break away from his supporters, and that Tito might yet acknowledge his constitutional sovereignty.

Of the Greeks. For Peter's neighbor sovereign in exile, 43-year-old King George of Greece, sheltered by Britain but unwanted by his people, Winston Churchill had no mention. Of the divided Greeks themselves he complained that one faction had "murdered" a British officer, and added: "It is painful to see [their] confusion and internecine strife. . . . Greek killing Greek with munitions sent to them for killing Germans."

For Savoy. Said Winston Churchill of Allied policy in Italy: "We are working ... to aid ... the King and Badoglio. . . . [When we] enter Rome . . we shall review the whole position . . . The various Italian [anti-Fascist] parties . . . have ... no constitutional authority. . . . When you have to hold a hot coffeepot it is better not to break off the handle until you are sure that you can get another equally convenient and serviceable, or at least that you will find a dish cloth handy."

Message to Dissenters. By statement and implication, Winston Churchill showed that his first & foremost concern was Britain's place in a power-political continent and world. But he did not allay all of the House of Commons' doubt and distrust. Cried a caustic, Conservative M.P. : The Prime Minister is "a Charlie McCarthy for Stalin. . . ." Such complainants failed to grasp the salient fact of Churchill's speech: to the. best of his vast abilities, Tory Churchill was fighting defensively for Britain. At the end of a restive, two-day debate, Anthony Eden completed the maneuvers which his chief had begun. Like Churchill, the Foreign Secretary carefully retraced the give-&-take of Allied moves in Europe.

Then he asserted what all Britons yearn to believe: that Britain will lose nothing in the give-& -take. Said Eden: "Many have a suspicion that ... we have committed ourselves to limit or exclude our interest in certain parts of Europe. . . .

We have accepted no barriers. We are absolutely free to interest ourselves in the affairs of Europe. ..." Finally he offered Britain the diplomatic equivalent of Winston Churchill's wartime blood, toil, sweat and tears. Said Eden: "I do not in my experience remember when foreign policy was so diffi cult to conduct as it is now. ... I can only promise the House this: plenty of difficulties, plenty of disappointment and much deception in the times that lie ahead."

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