Misunderstood Argentina

In proud and prejudiced Argentina the cankerous issue of neutrality broke out again last week. For the second time war and peace hung delicately in the balance --more delicately even than at the time of the revolt which put the Army and President Pedro Ramirez in power and "prudently neutral" ex-President Ramon Castillo in the discard (TIME, June 14). For this time the showdown was clearly between the "rupturists" and "anti-rupturists" in the Ramirez Government.

The Letter. The issue came into the open with the publication of an exchange of letters between Vice Admiral Segundo Storni, Argentine Foreign Minister, and U.S. State Secretary Cordell Hull. Wrote Storni, in one of the most amateurish diplomatic papers of the times:

> "The situation of neutrality that the Argentine Government has had to observe up to now has not been understood. In judging that neutrality it has been forgotten . . . that Argentine ships are operating exclusively in the service of the Allies. . . . There have also been forgotten the Argentine decrees granting the status of 'nonbelligerency' exclusively to one of the belligerent parties . . . the protests made by Germany, Italy and Japan after the secrecy of their official communications with their Embassies here was prohibited."

> "It should not be forgotten that the Argentine Republic has been living and is still living in an atmosphere of peace, work and comparative abundance. . . . You . . . will acknowledge that it is not possible, without preliminary preparation, to force the Argentine conscience with a view to leading it coldly and without any immediate motive to the breaking of relations with the Axis. . . . When defeat is inexorably drawing closer to the countries of the Axis, this unexpected rupture would furthermore put Argentine chivalry to a hard test."

> "Public Opinion [against the Axis] would be more effective . . . if President Roosevelt should make a gesture of genuine friendship toward our people; such a gesture might be the urgent provision of airplanes, spare parts, armaments and machinery to restore Argentina to the position of equilibrium to which it is entitled. . . ."

The Answer. Replied Cordell Hull, in words as polished and as cutting as a razor:

> "It is profoundly satisfactory to note your statement that the people of your country feel themselves indissolubly linked with the other inhabitants of this continent of profoundly democratic origins. . . . However, it is with regret that my Government and the people of the United States have been forced to the conclusion that the undoubted sentiments of the Argentine people have not been implemented by action called for by the commitments freely entered into by their Government in common with . . . the other 20 American republics."

> "It is notorious that Axis agents in Argentina have been and are engaging in systematic espionage which has cost the United Nations ships and lives. Vicious propaganda aimed at the United Nations appears in publications which are supported by subsidies from Axis sources. . . . Argentina is the only one of the 21 American republics now permitting radiotelephone and radiotelegraph communications with Japan, Germany and Italy."

> "Neither the present Argentine Government nor its predecessor has at any time evidenced a disposition to strengthen the security of Argentina by having Argentine military and naval forces take part in measures designed for the defense of the hemisphere. . . . Since Argentine armed forces will not . . . be used . . . to forward . . . the security of the New World . . . it would be impossible for the President of the United States to . . . furnish arms and munitions to Argentina under the Lend-Lease Act."

> "The failure of the Argentine Government to comply with its inter-American commitments . . . is also depriving Argentina of participation in the studies, discussions, meetings and arrangements designed to solve the postwar problems. . . ."

The Showdown. Vice Admiral Storni had written his letter with President Ramirez' approval. After stormy Cabinet meetings, the newspapers were given complete texts. Then Storni resigned. His last official act was to assure the inquiring Japanese Ambassador that Argentina's foreign policy would not change.

Now the issue was open. Vice Admiral Storni was the leading pro-Allied and pro-rupture figure in the Government. The President stood between the two extremes. He could save Argentina's destiny by following his Foreign Minister's course, leaving the way open for the rupturists to form a Government which would immediately break with the Axis powers, line up the country with the United Nations. Or he could save Argentina's pride & prejudice by figuratively telling Hull to go to hell and opening his arms to anti-rupturists extremists. That is what he did.

Out went Vice Admiral Storni's Under Secretary and the chief of his American Affairs section. In came, as Acting Foreign Minister, General Alberto Gilbert, Minister of Interior and dominating figure of the anti-rupturist forces.

The True Stand. The shake-up showed the changed opinions of the new Government of Argentina since it came to power last June. Then the end of the war seemed very far away, dependence on the U.S. a necessity. By September the urgency of Yankee aid could seem much less to nationalistic Argentines; postwar European markets seemed within reaching distance. Thus Allied victories strengthened the anti-Allied, weakened the pro-Allied forces.

Public reaction to the Storni letter and its answer was divided. As the wording of the U.S. note sank in, extremely nationalistic Argentines grew hot with anger. Said one young hothead: "To hell with the U.S. We're looking toward Europe for now and after the war." Said one whose head was much cooler: "Don't think me unpatriotic, but the Government was asking for it."

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