East Wind

From Moscow a major political offensive was launched last week. German war prisoners, refugees and former Communist Reichstag deputies announced the formation of a National Committee for German Freedom. Declared the Committee's manifesto: "The day is approaching when Germany will collapse under the impact of simultaneous blows from all sides. The war is already lost. But Germany must not die."

The Committee urged German soldiers to go home and join workers and farmers in throwing out the Nazis. Then Germans were to build a strong, independent Germany, which would guarantee "freedom of speech, press, organization, conscience and religious beliefs." Most significant, postwar Germany was to have "freedom of economy, trade and handicraft; the guaranteed right to labor and to lawfully acquired property . . . restoration of property to its lawful owners."

The manifesto's full text was printed in official Pravda; the Committee was given time on Moscow radio for three broadcasts a week to Germany. Thus, by implication, Soviet Russia went on record for a democratic, capitalistic regime in postwar Germany.

This was, first of all, expert psychological warfare. Wrote New York Post Columnist Samuel Grafton: "The slogans offered are German slogans, not American, British or Russian slogans; Germans are invited to fight, not for our sakes, but for their own. . . . This is political blitz." Secondly, it may be a political maneuver, Russia's latest attempt to get the real second front it wants in Europe. The Russians may hope that the German Committee and its manifesto, combined with the Red Army's summer advance, will convince U.S. and British leaders that they had better get to Berlin fast, ahead of the Red Army. Thirdly, the move may be Russia's method of showing its displeasure at the way Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt have ignored Russia in their plans for the government of Europe after the war.

Russia shrewdly did not entirely commit itself. The way was left open for official recognition, semiofficial sponsorship, or even repudiation of the German Committee. Reactions in Washington and London undoubtedly would guide Russia's eventual attitude.

Washington and London were surprised and hurt that they had not been informed in advance. High officials made no public comment, but one official in Washington saw in Russia's stroke deep meaning for the U.S.: "What is certain is that we will now be obliged to speed up our plans for postwar Germany. Russia has a well-determined policy for every country. Its propaganda everywhere has generally been very successful. Britain has several policies which it uses according to changing circumstances. We have none. We live by expediency measures, and we are therefore bound to lose."

Said the New York Herald Tribune: "If Britain and the United States enter Germany at one end with AMGOT, and Russia enters the country at the other with the new Committee, the situation will be embarrassing, to say the least."

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