Back to the 16th Century

Last week a cynical 20th-century warlord used 16th-Century emotions to turn a conquest into a crusade.

The Nazi radio blared calls to the crusade against Communism. The Nazi propaganda machine went into action on all fronts. To the chancelleries of Europe went word that Adolf Hitler demanded from each "friendly" country a token force to free Europe from the Communist menace.

Six nations were at war beside Germany at week's end: Italy, Hungary, Rumania, Finland, Slovakia, Croatia--three more than fought for Germany at any time in World War I. In Spain the Naziphile Falange began recruiting "volunteers" (while Generalissimo Francisco Franco promised Great Britain to punish Falangist hoodlums who attacked the British Embassy). Denmark broke off diplomatic relations with Russia, closed its only Communist paper, rounded up Reds. German propaganda announced that the Regiment Nordland, composed of Danish and Norwegian Nazis, was fighting on the Finnish Front. There was also a Regiment Westland, made up of Dutch and Belgian Nazis, in Finland, said the Nazis. Vichy broke off relations with Russia. Sweden granted Germany the right to transport troops from Norway to Finland.

Europe's two stanchest neutrals remained stanchly neutral: Switzerland and Turkey. Turkey apparently accepted Russia's denial that Foreign Commissar Molotov had asked Hitler for bases on the Dardanelles. To a French request for passage of troops to Syria, Turkey said No.

Two fears moved much of Europe to fall in with Hitler's bloody crusade. The strongest was fear of Germany, which now ruled the Continent and its puppet governments. The second was fear of Pan-Slavism, which was rooted in many Europeans, especially Germans and Scandinavians, long before Karl Marx was born.

Against this Europe, with its puppet governments and Naziphile legions ranged beside conquering Germany, stood another Europe. It was the Europe of the nine governments-in-exile, the Europe of civilized refugees and hostages, the Europe of conquered peasants and workers--and this other Europe was still at war against Germany. Truth was that only one man in all Europe could call Europe to a holy war, could arouse the little European to a truly religious fear and hatred of Communism.

That man was not Adolf Hitler. Twice during the week that man spoke to the world (see p. 44), but he did not mention Communism. That man was the Pope.

The Americas were also cold to Hitler's call. Mexico condemned the German invasion as "one of the most tragic violations of international ethics recorded in history." Cuba declared its "moral identification with the position of the peoples of the American Continent and the statements of President Roosevelt toward the defense of America and democratic principles." Other Latin-American nations remained silent, recognizing better than many North Americans the realities of the situation.

From Herbert Hoover (see p. 11) down to the smallest hater of Communism, far too many U.S. citizens reacted with an emotional belch. They apparently forgot two essential realities: 1) the Soviet Union, far from rising as a new danger, was fighting for its life; 2) the better fight it puts up, the more it weakens the power of Nazi Germany to destroy democracy throughout the world.

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