Monday, Jun. 23, 1941
Hour of Indecision
Now & then, under special pressure, a Japanese diplomat startles the world with a statement of plain, simple candor, and such a statement came last week from bony little Kenkichi Yoshizawa, head of Japan's economic mission to The Netherlands East Indies. He had been politely informed last fortnight that The Netherlands East Indies had not the least idea of allowing Japan increased shipments of rubber, oil and tin. Speaking over the telephone to the Tokyo press, Commissioner Yoshizawa said: "The choice before us would seem to be either statesmanship or physical force."
This was a complete definition of what worried Tokyo last week, and there was no sign that Tokyo was getting anywhere with it. The advocates of physical force spoke loud & long. Blunt-faced Toshio Shiratori, potent diplomatic adviser to the Foreign Office, who rants like any Nazi about "plutocratic Jews and democrats," declared: "The greatest reason for Japan's participation in the triple alliance lies in the fact that the three signatory powers at this time of great change in the world situation have the same position, the same interests and entertain the same political views. China is not Japan's real enemy in the present incident. In reality Japan is fighting Britain and America. In the past we purposely affected ignorance of the hostility of the Anglo-Saxons because we were trying to obtain various necessaries from them. It has become clear that we cannot execute our military operations in China by means of supplies from America and Britain. The first thing we now are required to do is to carry out our southward advance. When Europe and Asia are placed under the new order, America will be unable to maintain her capitalism."
Japanese militarists smacked their lips over the information that the French Indo-China Government was building a "commercial" seaplane base eight miles below Saigon--only 675 miles from Singapore. Russia added to the encouragement it has given Japan's hotheads in the Non-Aggression Pact by signing a new $14,000,000 barter agreement (last year's Russo-Japanese trade was less than $2,000,000). Also Puppet Ruler Wang Chingwei of Nanking left for Tokyo to be received in splendor by Emperor Hirohito. His visit was said to be connected with the attempted formation of a "peace bloc" including Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia and Nanking which would assure them all of co-prosperity, end Russia's assistance to Free China. It was hoped that the last move would throw that land into civil war between Chiang Kai-shek and the Chinese Communists, thus free Japanese troops for movement southward. In short, to Japan's advocates of force, last week looked like a good week to get going.
But Japan's advocates of statesmanship were anything but acquiescent. They had to see the "peace bloc"--especially Russia's participation in it--before they would believe it. They were rapidly convinced that the China "Incident" had been disastrous and costly enough without tackling The Netherlands East Indies. They were inclined to believe The Netherlands East Indies threat that, if necessary, every oil well, pipeline and refinery would be blown sky-high before the Japanese could get at them. They were also aware that the Japanese might never have even a chance to attack the Indies, that the way might be barred by the U.S. Navy and Air Force--which could bomb Japan's cities. Many statesmanlike Japanese, indeed, even favored pulling out of China altogether and peacefully repairing Japan's failing trade with the U.S. and the whole South Pacific area. There were plenty of Japanese last week, in Government as well as elsewhere, who believed that Japan should either continue negotiations with The Netherlands East Indies or, at most, recall Commissioner Yoshizawa and wait for a better bargaining time.
At week's end sealed instructions were sent to Commissioner Yoshizawa, but it did not seem likely that they would portend war. Not for years had the shifting internal conflicts of Japanese Government seemed to lead to more indecision.
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