Jewel in Jeopardy

"India is in a state of political ferment for which no parallel can be found since the civil disobedience movement of ten years ago." So wrote the London Times's India correspondent last week. He was putting the situation mildly.

In Bombay an Indian National Congress member named Vinoba Bhave was sentenced to six months' imprisonment for making, or being about to make, a speech against the war. Vinoba Bhave, who was picked as the first martyr of Mohandas Gandhi's new civil-disobedience movement three months ago, had been released from jail just in time to go back again.

His arrest followed the pattern which since October has resulted in the jailing of some 5,000 Indians, including the President of the Indian National Congress (Abul Kalam Mohiyuddin Ahmed Azad), three onetime Presidents (Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhas Chandra Bose, Mrs. Sarojini Nai-du), four former Prime Ministers of Indian provinces, eleven former Ministers, five speakers of provincial legislatures, seven members of the Congress Working Committee (Cabinet) and 100-odd members of the Congress Executive Committee--practically every important Congress leader except Mohandas Gandhi himself.

Obedient Disobedience. The Viceroy of India, the Marquess of Linlithgow, had warned the Mahatma that civil disobedience and speeches against the war would not be tolerated. Crafty Gandhi ordered his people not to make such speeches. Then, week after week, one by one, his followers would ostensibly set out for some remote village to make a speech. Before each one left, Congress headquarters would call British officials and announce that in keeping with the Mahatma's orders they wished to report the forthcoming act of disobedience. As the disobedient one was about to leave he would be arrested and whisked to jail.

This form of obedient disobedience is vastly more irritating to the British Raj than outright disobedience and is vastly more effective in stirring up Indian resentment against Britain. Although the British-censored press never carries a word about the jailings, the Indian grapevine functions quickly and smoothly. In recent months it has buzzed with a growing murmur of discontent, particularly since most of the Congress leaders have been arrested before committing a crime, have been jailed without a trial.

When, on Sept. 8, 1914, King George V called on the people of India to fight "to overthrow an unparalleled assault upon the continuity of civilization and tKe peace of mankind," India's response was spontaneous and overwhelming. When, on Sept. 11, 1939, King George VI asked India to fight "for a principle which is vital to the future of mankind," the response was reluctant and sullen.

The Revolution. In the years between, Indian nationalism had grown to a vast mass movement. India was being industrialized (it is now No. 7 of the industrial countries of the world); it was experiencing a renaissance in science and in learning; it was becoming socially and politically awake. Eleven years ago last week the Indian National Congress adopted a Declaration of Independence. Written by Mohandas Gandhi himself and proclaimed by Congress President Jawaharlal Nehru, it said in part:

"We believe that it is the inalienable right of the Indian people, as of any other people, to have freedom. . . . India has been ruined economically. . . . Politically, India's status has never been so reduced as under the British regime. . . . Culturally, the system of education has torn us from our moorings. . . . Spiritually, compulsory disarmament has made us unmanly in the presence of an alien army of occupation. . . . We hold it to be a crime against man and God to submit any longer to a rule that has caused this fourfold disaster to our country. . . ."

In the succeeding decade the power of the Congress grew until it came to represent not only the vast majority of India's 240,000,000 Hindus but many of her 78,000,000 Moslems. War has brought the revolution nearer. Never in history have Britons and Indians been so far apart.

Britain's case against India is that India must help to preserve the Empire, for if the Empire falls India will become a prey to less enlightened powers. After victory will come Dominion status. Behind this reasoning lies the cogent fact that one-fourth of Britain's overseas wealth is invested in this brightest jewel in her crown. "Two out of ten Englishmen depend on India," said Winston Churchill.

India's case against Britain is that if Britain is honestly fighting for democracy, Britain should prove it by granting democracy to India; then India will rally to Britain's aid. India must have complete independence to be free to decide whether to accept Dominion status. As for the danger from other powers. India has had Britain riding her for a century and more, and Britain's seat is slipping. If Britain cannot stay in the saddle, no other nation can get there.

Moderator. Mohandas Gandhi has been the great moderating influence in India. Under the present policy of trying ruthlessly to crush nationalism, Britain apparently believes that he will be able to act with moderation over his colleagues' heads. But ten months ago Gandhi said that "riots would be a welcome relief if that is the price we must pay for freedom," and since then he has become even more uncompromising. If the Mahatma himself should decide to make a speech, and if he should be arrested, India's subsurface unrest would almost certainly boil over.

A few weeks ago several British M.P.s, feeling that the Indian situation was being mishandled, decided to go to India on an unofficial "goodwill mission." The mission's expenses were to be borne by private donations. When the mission's organization approached one prospective Indian donor by cable, he cabled this reply to London: "Prefer power for India, not good will."

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