No. 1776

The President's lend-lease plan was introduced as Bill No. 1776, entitled "A Bill to Further Promote the Defense of the United States, and For Other Purposes." The historic number, the majestic vagueness of the language were symptomatic. No bill like it had ever been introduced. Under the bill, powers would go to Franklin Roosevelt such as no American has ever before even asked for.

Many who had applauded the President's speeches to the nation and to Congress as high and noble words were shocked as they saw his translation of those words into harsh legislative reality.

The bill described defense articles as: any weapon, munition, aircraft, vessel or boat; any machinery for the production, processing, repair, servicing or operation of any article; any component material or part; any other commodity or article for defense. In short: almost anything is a defense article, if the President says so.

> The next section authorized the President to order any Government official to manufacture in arsenals, shipyards, factories, or procure in any way any defense article for the use of any country the President names--"notwithstanding the provisions of any other law."

> He may also order any defense article sold, exchanged, transferred, leased, lent; or tested, inspected, proved, repaired, outfitted or reconditioned; for the use of any country he may name--without regard to previous law.

> Defense information--defined as any plan, specification, design, prototype or information about any defense article--may be communicated to any Government he names. Any defense article may be released for export to any country at his order. Terms and conditions for all such loans, sales, etc. may be any he approves.

> No foreign Government may dispose of any article or information without the President's consent. U. S. citizens' patent rights are to be protected.

> To cover expenses, a blank-check appropriation is authorized, out of any unappropriated moneys in the Treasury, sufficient to carry out the President's orders.

> The President may buy any defense article, etc. from any country.

> Finally, Mr. Roosevelt may make such orders as he deems necessary to carry out any part of the act.

Congressional reaction to the bill was more like a reflex. Members who saw that the British Fleet could use New York and Norfolk as repair harbors at U. S. expense jumped like cats from a hot stove. There was immediate general agreement that the bill would pass--with perhaps slight modification--by overwhelming majorities, in from three to six weeks. The only way to defeat a bill the President really wants has been a coalition of Republicans and conservative Democrats. Now the Southern Democrats are interventionist almost to a man and Republicans are hopelessly split. Isolationist Senators Wheeler, Taft, Nye and Clark might filibuster; House isolationists might balk--but two men held all the cards this week: 1) prognathous, gnomish Representative Sol Bloom of New York, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee; 2) austere, pompous Senator Walter George of Georgia, his opposite number in the Senate.

Messrs. Bloom & George planned committee hearings this week. The grey-haired Georgian's committee, polled by reporters, stood eight for, only four against, the rest (nine) undecided. Bloom's committee appeared even stronger for the bill. But that the measure stood a good chance of amendment became evident this week. First amendment was suggested by New York's Congressman Kenneth Simpson, along the lines of Wendell Willkie's proposal (see p. 13), restricting the President's powers to two years, and U. S. aid, for the time being, to Britain and Ireland.

There was no doubt that, on the whole, the U. S. wanted some such bill made law. But there could also be little doubt that the U. S. dreaded the next step, when legislative reality would become executive fact.

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