The Next Administration

Intimates of the re-elected President, knowing that his eyes were on the far horizon of U. S. interests, this week prepared to see him take on a new role, to become a sort of super-President, a Hemisphere statesman. Tentative talk was heard that Henry Agard Wallace might become the first executive Vice President, an innovation in Government functions whereby all definitely domestic affairs would be turned over to Wallace, who would thus become custodian and watchdog of the New Deal at home.

How such a scheme would work, no one could say. Henry Wallace, on his record, was an abler administrator than the President. Certainly he knew more law, more about finance, farming and business than the President. Without Franklin Roosevelt's ability to sway the masses, he was nevertheless more effective, man to man, with Senators, Congressmen and just plain people. Earthy, heavily humorous, direct, he inspired admiration but neither idolatrous devotion nor awe. And he had one surpassing quality that Mr. Roosevelt did not have: he was not tolerant of incompetence. No one who was merely loyal worked in Wallace's Department of Agriculture.

In the State Department a queer situation obtained. Many a Roosevelt voter had in his heart cast half of his ballot for Secretary Cordell Hull. The Willkie campaign had courted Mr. Hull, would perhaps have asked him to stay on for a period. But the long friction between Hull and Under Secretary Sumner Welles could not go on indefinitely. Furthermore, Roosevelt was expected, after the usual six-to-nine-month period of hesitation, to nudge Hull out for a younger, more aggressive man. Yet it was said that the grave old Tennessean would never leave his post, if Welles was to be his successor.

One great question mark in the Roosevelt Term III Administration was William Orville Douglas, for the last 19 months a Supreme Court Justice, but still eager for more active duty. Some Janizaries predicted that Justice Douglas would eventually be either Secretary of State or Chairman of the Defense Commission. He had given the President valiant aid in the campaign, in ideas and memoranda for the six speeches, and was still a chief figure in the palace politics of the inner circle. All agreed that he would not remain for life on the Court.

Secretary of War Henry Stimson was expected to resign about Jan. 1. For the vacancy New Dealers wishfully promoted Robert P. Patterson, now Assistant Secretary. But best indications were that Patterson would go with Stimson. New York City's Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia was still a strong possibility for the job.

Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox was expected to stay; so were Secretaries Harold Ickes (Interior), Claude Wickard (Agriculture). With labor actually working under Defense Commissioner Sidney Hillman, Mme. Frances Perkins was slated for an ouster from the Labor Department. Some labor leader, perhaps Teamsters' Dan Tobin, would take her place.

Attorney General Robert H. Jackson was to be appointed Chief Justice, whenever Olympian Charles Evans Hughes retired. Frank Walker was not expected to remain Postmaster General; one possibility was that Senator James Mead of New York would be appointed to this post.

Harry Hopkins was slated to stay on as an unofficial adviser only. Jerome Frank, SEC chief, would get a judgeship unless Justice Douglas drew a big job, in which case he would follow Douglas as an assistant. Leon Henderson seemed pretty well settled on the Defense Commission; SECommissioner Sumner Pike was to be promoted to SEC chairmanship.

Treasury was a tug-of-war. New Dealers everywhere, and his own common sense, urged the President to replace cautious Henry Morgenthau Jr. with Federal Reserve Board Governor Marriner S. Eccles. Still there was Ambassador Joseph P. Kennedy to find a spot for, and only three jobs seemed big enough to keep him from going back to business: Treasury, Defense Chairman, or Chairman of the Democratic National Committee.

No one knew the President's plans for Ambassadors William C. Bullitt and Anthony Biddle. The future of Thomas Gardiner ("The Cork") Corcoran was unknown; lucrative law partnerships called him, but he was still invaluable to the President. If Attorney General Jackson moved up to the Supreme Court, Solicitor General Francis Biddle would take Jackson's job, Braintruster Ben Cohen would get Biddle's.

All this reorganization ignored only one major figure, but he was now one of the most powerful men in the Government: un-New-Dealish Jesse H. Jones, Secretary of Commerce, who now holds 26 jobs and almost immeasurable personal powers over railroads, banks, industry and finance.

Most New Dealers have moved steadily left. Jesse Jones, now more powerful than any of them singly, had never budged from the right--and most of the time he got along better with the President than any of them.

Such shifts, ousters, promotions were the best guesses by the best informed men in Washington. But only one man's guess was good--and even the wisest of wise guys long ago gave up flatly predicting the course of Franklin Roosevelt.

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