Voices

Loud in the land last fortnight was the voice of John L. Lewis, telling off Franklin Roosevelt (TIME, Feb. 5). Last week it was John Lewis' turn to hear voices, welling up to him from the floor of the United Mine Workers of America convention in Columbus. Delegate Robert Gould of Fredericktown, Pa. had a telegram from home: ". . . Local Union 688, with a membership of 750, wish to protest the speech of John L. Lewis attacking the Honorable President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the Democratic Party." Local Union 2399 in Richeyville, Pa. similarly instructed its Delegate Elgie Crawford. Delegate E. D. Hosey of Minden, W. Va. announced that his home folks were baffled and "backing President Roosevelt 100% for a third term." Like-minded were 26 more locals, 27 delegates who dared dissent from disgruntled Mr. Lewis. His resolutions committee, framing a formal expression for the convention, made nary a mention of Franklin Roosevelt, soothingly referred to Labor and the Democratic Party in the 1940 campaign as "we." ("It is necessary if the welfare of Labor and the people are to be considered . . . that we must have a united party in 1940 ... in order that we may win the election this year.") "The country has taken notice of this convention, and it is well that the country does so," rumbled John Lewis, sending his steamy delegates home. The U. S. also took notice that:

> President David Dubinsky of the independent International Ladies' Garment Workers said in Manhattan: "Mr. Lewis is counting his labor votes long before they are hatched. The wage earners of America . . . will line up solidly in sup port of President Roosevelt . . . should he choose to run."

> The American Federation of Labor's supposedly nonpartisan, predominantly Republican executive council, meeting in Miami, sneered that Lewis support for any candidate would be "a kiss of death." Most of the councilmen distrust the President as much as Mr. Lewis does, but for different reasons.*

As a matter of strategy last week they withheld support from any & all candidates, thus gently paddywhack-ing their William Green for cuddling up to Montana's Democrat Burton Wheeler.

In his salvos at President Roosevelt John Lewis thundered loudly on unemployment and the New Deal's failure to cure it. But precisely what he thought Mr. Roosevelt ought to do, beyond calling a conference to discuss "America's No. 1 problem," Mr. Lewis did not say. For an inkling of what might be done, his delegates had to turn to a book published and distributed last week--Organized Labor and Production (Harper; $2.50) by Morris Llewellyn Cooke and Philip Murray.

Author Cooke is a famed social engineer. He has done many a chore of planning for the New Deal, has also served Business as a consultant in Scientific Management (whose original high priest was the late Frederick W. Taylor). Co-Author Murray, whom many rate the ablest of U. S. Labor's leaders--and certainly one of its highest-paid ($18,000 a year)--is vice president of United Mine Workers and of C. I. 0., chairman of the thriving Steel Workers Organizing Committee.

* Ten of them, led by Matthew Well, vice president of the A. F. of L., and William L. Hutcheson, president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, assailed the New Deal for "the destruction of confidence by incessant tinkering," called upon the U. S. "to halt the drift towards national insolvency."

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