Pick & Shovel v. Axis

Since the day Germany invaded Poland the word Asse ("Axis") has not appeared in the Italian press. The "plutodemocracies," meaning France and Britain (and sometimes the U. S.), which all summer long were the object of Fascist journalistic abuse, now get more or less fair press treatment. The Italian public has been reminded very seldom, if at all, that it was diabolical Britain which pushed sanctions against Italy four years ago and the once vociferous Italian claims on French-owned Tunisia, Corsica, Savoy, Nice and Djibouti have not been discussed out loud.

The short & snappy French Army communiques are now published beside the much longer German reports. Cinemaudiences are warned to refrain from applauding the armies of either side as they appear on the screen and the entire Italian public has been counseled not to show partisanship in Europe's big quarrel.

When the war started many suspected that Italy declared neutrality because her big ally Germany thought Italy would be more helpful as a friendly neutral than as a warring partner. Whatever Germany's advice in the matter (and gossip in Roman diplomatic circles has it that the Fuehrer tried to persuade the Italians to attack Yugoslavia at the time the Germans attacked the Poles), all evidence points to the belief that neutrality was also Italy's own sincere choice. Nor are there lacking indications that the first cracks in the Rome-Berlin Axis have begun to appear. The belief is prevalent in Italy today that Italy no longer considers herself bound to honor the iron-clad military alliance Foreign Ministers Count Galeazzo Ciano and Joachim von Ribbentrop signed so flamboyantly at Berlin late last spring.

Instead of helping Adolf Hitler last week by emerging as an "honest broker" to try to sell Britain and France a Nazi Peace (see p. 34), Premier Benito Mussolini left the Fuehrer to speak exclusively for himself, plunged into strictly Italian (and peaceful) activities. Fascist newsorgans politely termed Herr Hitler's vague terms as so "constructive, realistic" that they ought to be accepted, but there was little conviction that they would be accepted, even if understood.

Tight Belt. That Italy wants peace quickly and badly cannot be doubted. Her neutrality is so precarious that the Fuehrer's "last" chance for peace may also be Italy's last chance to maintain neutrality. Economically the country is in no condition to endure the belt-tightening that all European neutrals must undergo these days. Her typical products are not those that warring nations might buy. Her supply of raw materials is limited. Far from self-sufficient, what little peacetime trade Italy had is likely to dry up to the point where she can no longer pay for some of the essentials she must buy outside the country.

Thus in many ways the strain of warfare is more visible in neutral Italy than in warring France or Britain. Italians who used to drink from five to six cups of coffee daily have had to cut it out altogether. Gasoline is strictly rationed. The wartime one-meat-course meal has been ordered and instead of one voluntary meatless day a week (Friday), there are now two enforced ones (Thursday and Friday). Such luxuries as night clubs have been prohibited altogether.

Viva Il Re! If Italy loses her fight to remain neutral, what side will she join in war? The Fascist regime's prestige was staked on the German alliance, and every doubt about that alliance indicates that the regime is slipping. Those with ears to the ground in Italy (and Signor Mussolini is one of them) know that the Italian people have always disliked the German alliance. There are more than 1,000,000 Italian World War veterans who fought against Germany. Throughout Italy there are monuments to the Italian dead of World War I. After more than a month of hesitation, it will be difficult to drag Italians in on Germany's side.

The anti-Axis Vox Populi has backing in high places. The Royal Family is popularly supposed to have looked with misgivings on the Axis. As the Axis became more unpopular, the Throne gained in popularity until there became noticeable a resurgence of monarchist feeling in Italy. When "Viva Il Duce" is now painted on the walls, the words "Viva Il Re!" are more than likely to be written beside it.

Around the figure of the Prince of Piedmont, the Crown Prince, has been gathered much of the silent but unmistakable support of those who differed with the regime's policy. Thirty-five years old, more outspoken than his father, he is extremely popular with the Army. During the last year he has worked hard, appearing at Army reviews in Libya only a few days after he had attended maneuvers in Northern Italy. He has found little time to spend in his big palace in the heart of Naples. The applause he receives at public gatherings is even more vociferous than that accorded Il Duce. Because of the Prince of Piedmont's growing popularity, the old familiar Italian cry of Avanti Savoia ("Forward, House of Savoy") has come to have new meaning these past few months.

As for Il Duce, he has performed the difficult feat of remaining neutral between those who want to stay neutral in the war and those who want to join Germany. Meanwhile, his power has noticeably waned. For one reason or another he handed over to the Prince of Piedmont the command of half the Italian Army. The pay of his own Fascist militiamen, who formed the regime's counter-revolutionary force, was suddenly reduced from eight lire (40-c-) a day to one lira, at the same time that the Army private's pay was increased from a few centesimi to a lira. Such dissident Fascists as Italo Balbo, Governor of Libya, and Dino Grandi, onetime Italian Ambassador to Great Britain, have lined up more or less openly with the Royal Family against such Axis Fascists as Count Ciano, Achille Starace and Roberto Farinacci without being castor oiled. The venerable Marshal Pietro Badoglio has long been identified as the King's man, rather than a Fascist.

Germany's collaboration with Russia displeases a people nearly 100% Catholic. Moreover they were told less than a year ago that in Spain they were fighting Bolshevism. If a conflict of interests between Italy and Germany-Russia were needed, it could readily be found in the Balkans, long one of Italy's special spheres of interests and now claimed as the special problem of the Communist and Nazi dictators.

In Rome the active Dictator took pick & shovel to inaugurate construction of four miles of apartment houses, public buildings, hotels and shops projected to line both sides of the new Via Imperiale running out to the side of the Rome International Exposition of 1942. While Il Duce delved in the soft turf, officials explained that in addition to permanent development of Via Imperiale, the construction of the Exposition buildings will be such that afterward they will form a permanent city of apartment houses for 40,000 Romans.

Il Duce had plenty of opportunities to give his thoughts on the international situation, but his emphasis on the 1942 Exposition seemed to be his characteristic way of letting the Italian people know he was not anxious to lead them into World War II on the side of Adolf Hitler. Il Duce cannot turn political somersaults quite so fast as the Fuehrer and get away with them. But many Italians believe that as time goes on the Dictator (if he is still such) will show increasing willingness not only to sit tight but to be propositioned by the Allies.

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