Monarch to Ministers

Behind most of Belgium's recent political troubles has been the rising strength of the Flemish-speaking people. From 1831, when Belgium gained her independence from The Netherlands, until 1914. Belgium's rulers considered the nation an outpost of France. French was then the sole official language. Flemish, as closely akin to Dutch as American is to English, was the language of servants and peasants.

But the Flemings constitute half Belgium's population. Increasingly conscious of their numbers, they have demanded--and got--more political power. As fast as possible they have been pulling the nation away from its French moorings. During the World War many Flemish districts were pro-German. Now many Flemings flaunt a desire to join up with The Netherlands.

Although the issue is much deeper, the symbol of the Flemish-Walloon struggle for power is language. Seven years ago the country was divided into Walloon and Flemish-speaking districts, with French being official, however, in Eupen and Malmedy, the districts won from Germany by the Treaty of Versailles. Last year the Army was divided into Flemish and Walloon regiments. Many Parliamentary debates are now held in Flemish.

The Flemings, however, far from being satisfied, are still irked by several important Walloon "islands"' within Flemish territory. Last year a gang of Flemish patriots invaded one island--Enghien--and started to paint out French signs. They were driven off by Walloons who threw pails of water at them. Most notable island, however, is Brussels, the capital, once a Flemish city but now French. The Flemings now threaten to "retake" Brussels and flamandize it.

The late King Albert was pro-French to the core, but his son, the present young and earnest King Leopold III, has consistently appeased the Flemings. Against this rising Flemish tide the Walloons have become desperate. On the battlefield of Waterloo recently leading Walloon orators significantly spoke of ties with France, just as the Flemish Nationalists look toward The Netherlands. Never before in Belgium's history has the unity of the country been so threatened.

Against this background of struggle month ago a mediocre physician, Adrian Martens, who had been sentenced to death in 1918 (and later reprieved) for plotting Flemish autonomy with Germany, was appointed a charter member of the newly created Flemish Academy of Science. The Walloons were furious and the Cabinet of Premier Paul Henri Spaak fell on that issue. It was suspected that King Leopold had backed the appointment. After that Belgian statesmen struggled to form Cabinets, failed in dizzy succession. Soon the suspicion was rife that the King had dictatorial ambitions. Last week a shortlived Cabinet--that of Walloon Premier Hubert Pierlot--was again about to resign when His Majesty stepped in. He refused to accept the resignations, ordered new elections on April 2 and then sat down and wrote his ministers an extraordinary letter in which he pleaded not guilty of either dictatorial ambitions or of appointing Dr. Martens. Without mincing words, the King fitted the shoe on the foot of his ministers:

"Constitutional principles that until now guaranteed the solidity of our institutions are more and more frequently disregarded; responsibility is shifted; separation of power is not respected; organizations without legal mandates intervene in the formation and dislocation of governments; the exercise of executive power is no longer done in conformity with constitutional rules; the Chief of State finds himself . . . sometimes obliged to sanction decisions taken without his knowledge."

For the time being any notion that King Leopold was to become a royal dictator was checked. That question may again arise if the new elections result in the same old deadlocked divisions of Liberal v. Conservative, Walloon v. Fleming, that past elections have produced.

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