Second Sarajevo?

At Koenigsberg two months ago Chancellor Hitler thundered that "there will be no more shooting against German racial comrades along the German borders." Since then Czechoslovakians have been afraid that some Czech frontier guard, policeman or soldier would lose his head and kill one of the little nation's 3,200,000 Sudeten Germans who inhabit the frontier strip along the 1,300-mile Czech-German border. One night last week, with the blatant Nazi sub-minority of the Sudeten German Minority indulging in a terroristic and propaganda campaign in preparation for municipal elections to be held at week's end, just such an incident occurred.

Incident. Two Sudeten Germans astride a motorcycle roaring along the road to Germany near the Czech town of Cheb disregarded an order by a Czech traffic patrol to halt. Word flashed ahead to the next patrol and when the motorcyclists again refused to halt, the guards opened fire. Both Germans were killed. Anxious local Czech officials explained that the guards had merely done their duty, that both Germans were notorious Nazi agitators and had been implicated in previous serious political offenses, but soon the wires in every chancellery in Europe were humming. The Big Question hanging menacingly over Europe was -- Would Cheb be the second Sarajevo?

The German press, which has been carrying on a vitriolic campaign against Czechoslovakia to aid the Sudeten Germans, splashed the Cheb slayings in blood-red headlines. BRUTAL MURDER OF TWO GERMANS BY CZECHS, screamed Der Angriff, newssheet of Propaganda Minister Paul Joseph Goebbels PRAGUE'S APPALLING BLOOD GUILT.

There are two main reasons why Adolf Hitler should think twice before taking any cue from newsprint polemics and moving armed forces to aid his German racial comrades in the Sudeten territory. The first is that he knows that the Czechs, who have been preparing for 15 years for just such an eventuality, would turn their full-armed strength of 1,500,000 men into the field. The second is that invasion of Czechoslovakia by Hitler would almost certainly bring France, the Soviet Union, and probably Britain rushing to the aid of the Czechs.

Another Austria? Nevertheless, there were alarming indications last week that Chancellor Hitler might decide to duplicate his Austrian coup. Der Angriff reminiscently declared that the Czech government of President Eduard Benes was "no longer master of the situation." This almost directly paralleled the technique that prefaced the occupation of Austria, when Austrian Nazi Chief Seyss-Inquart "invited" the German army to take control because Austria "was no longer master" of its own situation.

Gravely like recent history repeating itself were reports that German troops were being moved into positions along the Czech frontier. British Ambassador Sir Neville Henderson hurried to the German Foreign Office and delivered a strong remonstrance from His Majesty's Government against the use of force. He was assured that whatever German troop movements were going on, if any, were merely normal transfers from winter to summer quarters. Taking a more serious view of the situation than this, Ambassador Sir Neville issued the almost unprecedented order for a special train to be held ready to move the families of consular officials and other Britishers from Berlin, sent such a grave report to Whitehall that Foreign Office officials advised Prime Minister Chamberlain to call a special Cabinet meeting for the weekend. British and French pressure was immediately put upon Prague to "do nothing that might provoke the Germans."

Czechs' Answer. Dynamic, little President Benes, speaking at Tabor in southern Bohemia, wasted little time in demonstrating to the Nazis just who was "master of the situation." "The Government welcomes an opportunity to show the world that Czechoslovakia can remain a State of peace and quiet," challenged "Europe's Smartest Little Statesman." "Present-day European democracies are conscious of dangers ahead. It is not enough just to recognize this fact but one must act accordingly to keep pace with the authoritarian regimes. . . . We will show the neighboring regimes that the machinery of a democratic state can work just as fast as theirs."

Same day Czechoslovakia's answer was ready. Under the signature of the Minister of National Defense, an order went out to call to the colors one entire class of reserves, 70,000 strong. Men dropped their factory tools, grabbed bundles of clothes and newly-issued rifles, hurried to the troop trains. All night long trains rumbled toward the border and before long, with the Czech garrisons permanently stationed there, the country had some 400,000 men jammed against Germany's sides. The white-stockinged Sudeten Nazis, who have flaunted their illegal badges and "Heil Hitler" salutes for weeks in complete domination of the region, suddenly awoke to find tanks, mounted guns and armored units rumbling through their streets, squads of khaki-coated soldiers standing patrol where lone Czech policemen had stood before.

Results, With the army in charge, the municipal elections on Sunday went off without disorder. The elections were the first in a series of three, the second to be held this week, the third in mid-June, proffered by the Government as one solution of the minority problem. Greatest howl of the Sudetens has been that while they numerically predominate in the border regions, their local governments have been dominated by the Czechs and their administrative posts have been filled with Czech appointees. Among the 1,500 municipalities voting last week only 48 were predominantly German. At last reports most of them had not compiled results but it was generally admitted that the Nazis had upped their representation. In four Sudeten German cities the Nazis increased their municipal parliament seats from 69 to 105. In Prague, the National Socialist Party, to which Eduard Benes himself belonged before becoming President, received a boost of 30% in its representation.

The elections over, tension eased and the prospects of Cheb becoming a second Sarajevo faded this week. Observers were agreed, however, that this last week had hammered home to Adolf Hitler two things: 1) President Benes' demonstration of force effectively reminded the Fuehrer that Czechoslovakia was not impotent Austria; 2) British activity in Berlin and the grave view His Majesty's Government at home took of the situation --in striking contrast to what was done when Austria was being occupied--indi-cated that the British were determined to prevent Herr Hitler's use of armed force to settle the Czechoslovakian Question.

With two more dynamite-loaded elections coming off, there was every indication last week that President Benes and Premier Milan Hodza will go the limit in an effort to satisfy the minority demands, short of granting actual autonomy. Last week, Hitler's stooge, Sudeten Fuehrer Konrad Henlein was in Vienna conferring with German-Austrian Nazi leaders when Benes cracked down on his followers. All previous attempts to bring Fuehrer Henlein to the conference table for a settlement of minority demands have been futile, but to nerve-frazzled Czechs last week came the reassuring news that Fuehrer Henlein had arrived post-haste from Vienna and had promptly gone into preliminary conversations on the minority problems with Premier Hodza. Ironically. Stooge Henlein's name was this week reported to have been among those of reservists called to the Czech colors. Said one of his adherents: "If he were called, Henlein would answer quickly and loyally . . . although military duty would interfere with his leadership."

From Berlin, as the crisis-packed week came to a close, the Czechs indirectly received another reassurance. Adolf Hitler himself informed sources claimed, had sent anxious British Prime Minister Chamberlain the guarantee that Germany had not the slightest intention of marching into Czechoslovakia at this stage of the game.

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