Second Line

Now is the time for all good Governors to come to the aid of their parties. Unfortunately for Alf Landon, aside from himself only eight of the 48 Governors can come to the aid of the Republican Party in the 1936 Presidential campaign. Governor Bridges of New Hampshire and Governor Smith of Vermont are satisfied that their States are already in the Republican bag. On the other hand, Governor Merriam of California, Governor Nice of Maryland and Governor Welford of North Dakota would probably privately concede that their States are in Franklin Roosevelt's bag. Of the three other Republican Governors, Buck has done little to win Delaware's three electoral votes, Hoffman is probably more of a hindrance than a help to the Republicans in New Jersey and Fitzgerald is engaged in a touch-&-go dogfight for Michigan.

There are two non-Democratic Governors: Philip La Follette of Wisconsin and Hjalmar Petersen, who succeeded the late Floyd Olson, of Minnesota. Both La Follette and the heirs of Olson are allies of the New Deal.* In each of the other 37 States a Democrat sits in the Governor's chair. By no means, however, does the presence of a Democrat in a State capitol mean that the State will fall without fuss into the New Deal's lap Nov. 3. In half a dozen politically confused States like Ohio, Colorado, Nebraska, Democratic Governors are no assets to Franklin Roosevelt, either because he has learned to do without them or they have learned to do without him. This disadvantage is offset by the fact that the three most populous States of the Union, which together have 112 votes in the electoral college (where 266 is a majority), have as Governors three of his most able, active, popular, wholehearted supporters.

Well does the President appreciate the importance of this mighty second line of defense. Its footing last week in five active sectors:

New York (47 electoral votes). Franklin Roosevelt chose to deliver his first frankly political speech of the campaign (see p. 13) at the Syracuse convention last week which renominated Herbert Lehman for Governor of New York. That nomination was a triumph for Roosevelt rather than Lehman. Lehman, who earnestly wished to retire, was practically bludgeoned into running by fellow Democrats at last summer's National Convention (TIME, July 6). The Democratic high command knew that Franklin Roosevelt's hope of success in his own State was precarious.

To carry New York, which is normally Republican, a Democrat has to roll up a large majority in New York City. Tammany loves neither Mr. Farley nor the New Deal, but Herbert Lehman is a popular Governor. So, although he was jeopardizing his banking business to which he earnestly wishes to return, Herbert Lehman last week went down the line for his personal friend Franklin Roosevelt, not only accepted renomination but promised if he were re-elected to serve out his full term without resigning.

At the same time that Herbert Lehman was being renominated at Syracuse, Republicans meeting at Albany selected his opponent, State Supreme Court Justice William F. Bleakley of Yonkers. On his father's side Bleakley inherited nearly a century's experience in New York politics, a heritage which doubtless assisted him recently in snatching control of populous suburban Westchester County from the Republican Old Guard. Lehman is naturally strong with Jewish voters, which will not harm him in one-fourth-Jewish New York City. Bleakley had an Irish mother and is a Roman Catholic, which will not hurt his chances in the metropolis either. All told, Governor Lehman undertook no easy assignment for his friend Franklin Roosevelt.

Pennsylvania (36 votes). Two nights after Franklin Roosevelt appeared in Syracuse, he made his second important political speech on a platform in Pittsburgh with Pennsylvania's Governor George H. Earle at his side. Five years ago George Earle was a Philadelphia Republican. A polo player and dog-fancier, he lived on the Main Line with other stanch, rich, conservative old families. Then Franklin Roosevelt, to whose campaign he gave $35,000, named him Minister to Austria. In 1934 Earle came home to run for Governor, although his own mother could not vote for him in the primaries because she was still registered as a Republican. His friends at the Philadelphia Racquet Club bantered him on his amateur venture in politics, were dismayed when George Earle put up $140,000 of his own money and with the help of Joseph Guffey's young but potent Democratic machine won by a respectable margin.

This year Governor Earle, whose term does not expire until 1939, may not contribute more than $5,000 or $10,000 to the Democratic campaign because he cannot afford more. More actively idealistic than the man he loves and serves, he has given away his Flamingo Sugar Mills to his employes. His old friends at the Racquet Club, even such former intimates as Joseph Pew of Sun Oil, no longer speak to George Earle. His boon companion nowadays is Jack Kelly, onetime oarsman and contractor who has built up a Democratic machine in Philadelphia. Biggest change, however, is that high-minded George Earle is no longer just Senator Joe Guffey's Governor. He is one of the Pennsylvania Democracy's big men, one of the few Democratic speakers who can consistently draw good crowds who listen with a thrill when devoted George Earle says of the President: "Roosevelt is the most amazing man I ever met. I can't tell which is bigger, his heart or his brain." Often Governor Earle works at his Harrisburg office in the morning, then climbs into his autogiro after lunch, takes the controls, flies away to speak in a distant part of the State. Usually an ordinary airplane follows him to pick him up in case he is forced down. That does not happen often. Often he makes a second or third stop before flying home for the night. His normal speaking schedule always covers six, sometimes seven days a week. This strenuous campaigning has reduced him to 220 lb., but George Earle has boasted that he will speak three times in each of Pennsylvania's 67 counties before election day.

Illinois (29 votes). Franklin Roosevelt did not urge Henry Horner to run for reelection. Postmaster Farley had no wish to offend the potent Kelly-Nash machine in Chicago which wanted to supplant Horner. Governor Horner, unassisted, quelled the Kelly-Nash dragon in the primaries (TIME, April 27). Instead of listening to advisers who wanted him to fight for himself and leave Franklin Roosevelt to fight his own battle in Illinois, Governor Horner, a New Dealer of purest ray, proceeded to build his campaign around support of the President. The Illinois arrangement, with the licked Kelly-Nash machine at the tail of Homer's kite, turned out to be highly advantageous for lucky Franklin Roosevelt. In Illinois, as in New York, the big city will vote Democratic. In the primary Governor Horner won enough votes downstate to lick the city machine. Now the Governor is adding his strength downstate to that of the city machine to help pull Illinois into the New Deal column. Moreover Governor Horner is nearly as popular with Illinois' business men as Franklin Roosevelt is unpopular. Last week the Governor had just levied on the State employes by holding them responsible for selling five $1-subscriptions to the campaign paper Truth, was leading a campaign motorcade through downstate Illinois.

Massachusetts (17 votes). Of close States, Massachusetts is conceded to be one of the most difficult for Roosevelt to carry. The part that Governor James M. Curley has in the attempt is not unlike that of tree-loving, New Deal-hating Governor Davey in Ohio. The record of Governor Curley's regime is not savory. He, too, has plenty of opposition at home. Only major difference is that Governor Curley is a terrific campaigner, is smart enough to know that he cannot cut Franklin Roosevelt's throat without cutting his own.

Indiana (14 votes). Governor Paul V. McNutt is a handsome man, a vigorous platform personality, a brilliant orator, the head of a first-rate political machine. He is a loyal supporter of Franklin Roosevelt and also has ambitions for himself. In Indiana it is not illegal to collect campaign funds from State office holders. McNutt's Indiana Democrats, Inc. collects 2% of State employes' pay checks to great political advantage. However, State law does forbid a Governor to stand for reelection. Therefore Governor McNutt will be looking for a good job next January. The job of Secretary of War, this onetime National Commander of the American Legion probably would not refuse. Meantime, he is doing his able best for Franklin Roosevelt.

* In Minnesota this alliance became virtually a coalition when John F. D. Meighen, chairman of the Democratic State Central Committee and local manager of the Roosevelt campaign, formally withdrew Fred A. Curtis and Patrick J. Delaney as Democratic nominees for Governor and Senator. The openly announced object of this move was to improve the chances of Farmer-Labor Nominees Elmer Benson and Ernest Lundeen to defeat Republicans who are seeking the same jobs this autumn.

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