Breach Reached

One day last week the president, twelve of the 15 vice presidents of the American Federation of Labor and its secretary-treasurer sat down together in Washington as the Federation's Executive Council, to consider official business. Actually, there was no serious need for consideration because all present were virtually agreed that the time had come to throw John L. Lewis of the United Mine Workers and the unions which formed his Committee for Industrial Organization out of the A. F, of L.

Strictly for form's sake President William Green and his 13 craft union followers resolved themselves into a trial court. Since the first session was long and hot, the meetings were moved from the A. F. of L.'s offices to an air-cooled banquet hall of the Hotel Hamilton across the street from C. I. O. headquarters. Industrial Unionist Lewis could, by looking out his office window, see the back of Craft Unionist Green sitting in shirt sleeves at the conference table.

John Lewis and his C. I. O. are currently out to organize every worker in the steel industry, regardless of craft, into one big union (TIME, July 20 et ante). Composed of industrial unions, C. I. O. is dedicated to extending this form of labor organization to absorb the greater part of the U. S. working class. With this objective, the 13 A. F. of L. Councilmen, whose livelihood depends on the autonomy and independence of some 100 traditional craft unions, obviously could not compromise. So the next business before the Council was to hear evidence justifying the suspension of the C. I. O. unions.

John P. Frey, head of the A. F. of L.'s Metal Trades Department, who is stuffed with classic allusions and plumes himself on his polished delivery, was chosen to present the prosecution's case. He produced testimony that C. I. O. had encouraged industrial unions to raid their membership, introduced circulars and letters which showed that C. I. O. had been doing what all the world knew it had. Finally he gave a learned summation, accusing C. I. O. of being a "dual organization . . . engaged in defiant insurrection against the A. F. of L.," fortified his charge by reading the dictionary definition of "insurrection" and comparing C. I. O.'s Chairman John L. Lewis to Mussolini, "the unscrupulous and arrogant dictator of whom it has been said he suffers at times from a rush of blood to the head, an extravagant rage, a surge of destructive wilfulness. Like a volcano he spouts flame and burning lava, spreading poisonous gases over the countryside."

C. I. O. refused to put up any formal defense, on the ground that the whole proceeding was illegal. Nevertheless, on the third morning the A. F. of L.'s absent twelfth vice president, David Dubinsky, head of International Ladies' Garment Workers, which belongs to the C. I. O., dramatically returned from Europe, made his appearance at the council table. Promptly Fourth Vice President John Coefield of the plumbers' and steamfitters' union challenged his right to be present because his union was on trial. Astutely Mr. Dubinsky reminded Mr. Coefield that, if that rule were followed, President Green, who is a member of the United Mine Workers, had no right on the premises either. Mr. Green ruled that Mr. Dubinsky could stay. Then Mr. Dubinsky pleaded that action on the C. I. O. be deferred until the A. F. of L. Convention next November.

The A. F. of L. can expel member unions only by a two-thirds vote of its membership. The C. I. O. unions have well over one-third the Federation's members. Postponing action to the Convention would therefore be equivalent to conceding victory to John L. Lewis. But if the Executive Council suspended the C. I. O. unions, they could not get into the Convention to vote and hence their ultimate expulsion would be virtually certain. Reasonably Mr. Dubinsky offered to promise on behalf of five C. I. O. unions that they would let the issue be decided at the Convention not by the two-thirds vote, but by a simple majority. For answer 15th Vice President William D. Mahon of the street railway employes' union shortly declared that he was convinced of C. I. O.'s guilt, and Tenth Vice President William L. Hutcheson of the carpenters' union, whom Mr. Lewis punched in the jaw at Atlantic City last year, announced that his members wanted "Action." If the C. I. O. unions were not ousted, the carpenters would quit the Federation.

Later that afternoon the doors of the banquet hall were thrown open. The A. F. of L.'s 13 vice presidents filed out, newshawks and cinemen filed in. When everything was set President Green read the council's decision. Suspension for ten C. I. O. unions within 30 days, unless they abandon their organization.* Said Mr. Green: "

The Executive Council declares in most positive terms that the industrial versus craft union dispute is in no way involved in its official decision. . . .

"When ambitious men form a dual, rival organization for the purpose of forcing the acceptance of minority rule within the American Federation of Labor, the Executive Council decides they cannot do so within and as a part of the American Federation of Labor."

Newshawks scrambled across the street to see John L. Lewis, who had a statement cocked & primed:

"An act of incredible and crass stupidity! An act dictated by personal selfishness and frantic fear! It indicates a total absence of consideration for the well-being of the nation's workers and the requirements of an effective movement of labor."

Thus the split in organized Labor's ranks, developing for nearly two years, was made official. Unless the breach is patched up, the United Mine Workers will be suspended early in September. That means that Mine Worker William Green will have to find another trade or quit the presidency of the A. F. of L. The bartenders' union offered him membership.

What the political effect of Labor's split would be no man knew for sure. Craft unionists have felt that Franklin Roosevelt has been too friendly with Industrialist Lewis, who is supposed to have written the Democratic platform's labor plank. Yet A. F. of L.'s ninth vice president, Teamster David Tobin, who voted for C. I. O.'s suspension, has actual charge of gathering labor votes for the New Deal. He pooh-poohed the idea that the split might hurt Roosevelt.

Republicans were quick to start a slogan in craft union circles: "A vote for Roosevelt is a vote for Lewis."

*Two other unions whose affiliation with C. I. O. is in doubt are to be investigated further.

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