Left Divided

In Cleveland's vast Municipal Auditorium, but in a smaller chamber than Republicans will occupy for their national convention next week, another party last week held a convention. On the walls, in true political style, hung Gargantuan portraits of the party's departed heroes: Morris Hillquit, Victor Berger, Eugene V. Debs, Karl Marx. The Socialist Convention which assembled below these familiar images was no peace gathering. Not since 1919, when the party split over allegiance to the Third International had it been so divided.

Three factions divided the Left Wing of U. S. politics. Biggest and strongest of the three was the Left's Left headed by Norman Thomas, twice Socialist nominee for President. This faction two years ago, after a bitter struggle, got the party to adopt a radical platform including "mass resistance" to war, last year agreed to a "united front" with Communists in such specific matters as May Day parades, demonstrations against Fascism and support of the unemployed. The Left's Left went to Cleveland last week already in control of the party's National Executive Committee, in possession of a big majority of the convention's delegates.

Much weaker was the Left's Right, headed by Louis Waldman of New York and Mayor Jasper McLevy of Bridgeport, Conn. Immediate grievances of the Right were that the Left-controlled National Executive Committee had taken away the charter of the Right-controlled New York State organization and given it to a Leftist group; that the National Executive Committee had approved the credentials of the 44 Leftist delegates from New York, leaving 44 Rightists without seats. But there was a bigger division on the question of compromising with Communist methods of violence. Said Mr. Waldman scathingly of the Left: ". . . their so-called mass war resistance program is not Socialist, for it fights against one specific agency of the Federal Government, instead of attempting to get control of the entire Government by democratic means. "When they say they are against the present bogus democracy of the present system and are for a workers' democracy, it is again a cowardly compromise with Bolshevism, for they would rather have used the phrase 'dictatorship of the pro letariat' if they had dared." Weakest faction was the Left's Centre, led by Mayor Daniel Webster Hoan of Milwaukee, whose chief desire was for peace-in-the-party. No aid to peace was the presence at Cleveland of Earl Browder, head of the U. S. Communist party, who appeared with a polite proposal that the Communists and Socialists unite on a ticket for 1936 to be headed by Norman Thomas and Earl Browder. To this Mr. Thomas turned a cold shoulder, preferring if possible to avoid a new split in his party. The Communists, said he, "have suddenly changed from a disruptive role in the unions, from accent on inevitable great-scale violence and party dictatorship to a wiser role in the unions, but in politics to a bewilderingly opportunistic role. Their accent is on a half-baked immediate program." First excitement in the divided convention came when the Right delegation from New York appeared on the floor to claim seats already occupied by the Left delegation. A sergeant-at-arms stopped them. Pandemonium burst. Rightist leaders from Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Connecticut began to shout together at this physical attempt to exclude their comrades from New York. Norman Thomas finally brought temporary peace by saying: "Mr. Chairman--since there doesn't seem to be enough room on the floor for the 'Old Guard' delegation, let them sit on the platform." The debate that then began was broken off for supper, was resumed and continued bitterly until 2 a. m. When the meeting broke up the issue was still undecided. After the delegates had slept on it, they were no nearer agreement. Someone struck up the Internationale and the delegates rose and sang. David Lasser, head of the Socialist-Communist Workers Alliance (union of unemployed) shouted to his comrades, pointing to Louis Waldman and Algernon Lee, president of the Rand School of Social Science. The two Rightists were not standing. A howl of rage broke from the convention. Amid the general yammering few heard Louis Waldman's answer: "I will not rise to sing a song of solidarity with a group that has just expelled us and split the Socialist party." After 15 hours of debate, the convention voted nearly 2-to-1 not to seat the Right delegation. Leftists applauded. The same evening Mr. Waldman & friends, including representatives of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, California, Missouri, Illinois and Texas, met to form a new party, the "Social Democratic Federation of the U. S." on "democratic socialist principles and seeking to unite all farmers and workers with hand or brain." Said Norman Thomas bitterly: "I can almost find it in my heart to be sorry for them. ... At best it is a face-saver. At worst it is a mere spite party doomed to futility." Left to itself, the remainder of the Socialist party shouted down an invitation to join the Communists on a common ticket. Slated for adoption was a platform calling for public ownership of key industries; peace; slum clearance; a 30-hour week; a "workers and farmers amendment" to the Constitution to give Congress complete control of agriculture and industry. When the hour came for choosing candidates, George A. Nelson, Wisconsin farmer, onetime Alaskan sourdough, was nominated for Vice President. Norman Thomas, unopposed, was given the Socialist nomination for President for the third time. At this wholly expected choice, the delegates, aping Capitalist politicians, gave way to 15 minutes of shouting, cheering, singing as the white-haired nominee was carried to the platform, beaming, on the shoulders of two husky coal miners.

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