Gas & Gasoline

The Committee of Thirteen of the League of Nations is the same thing as the Council of the League of Nations without Italy. Last week the League delegates from Argentina, Australia, Chile, Denmark, Ecuador, France, Great Britain. Poland, Portugal, Rumania, Russia, Spain and Turkey hitched themselves up to a green baize battle between handsome, toothy Anthony Eden of Great Britain and bald, moose-tall Pierre Etienne Flandin of France.

On Britain's insistence the meeting was called to discuss once more Italy's invasion of Ethiopia, to demand either immediate cessation of hostilities or stiffer Sanctions in retaliation for Italy's use of poison gas.

France wanted no part in this League crackdown. Italy's possible threat to Britain and the headwaters of the Nile was none of her business. Foreign Minister Flandin had only the Rhine on his mind. Urgently he needed Italy's help against the threat of Nazi domination in Europe. Before leaving for Geneva he had given the Sarraut Cabinet France's rebuttal to Adolf Hitler's plan for European peace (TIME, April 13). Insisting on 25 years of status quo, a definite promise from Germany not to fortify the Rhineland and an international police force to keep the peace, the Flandin Plan was taken no more seriously in Geneva than it was elsewhere in Europe.

In Rome Benito Mussolini felt that the time was ripe to do a little crowing. The Ethiopian War was going the way it should have gone six months ago. The Imperial Guard of Haile Selassie was smashed. The Negus himself was supposed to be hiding, beardless in the bushes. With a little luck Italian troops should reach Dessye by Easter. Then II Duce could demand peace on his own terms. To the Fascist Grand Council last week he roared:

"The superb victories of our soldiers bring Italy within reach of her first objective, security for our colonies. Such security will be achieved in full with the complete annihilation of the Ethiopian military formations--an annihilation which is bound to come soon. . . . The preparation of our homeland forces on land and sea and in the air will proceed with even quicker rhythm."

Going to Geneva as an "observer," Italy's Baron Pompeo Aloisi was no less cocky. To the Committee of Thirteen's Chairman Don Salvador de Madariaga of Spain, he snapped: "I have not come here to talk peace. I have come to attend a meeting of the Locarno Powers."

To Eden of Britain, Flandin of France, van Zeeland of Belgium, Baron Aloisi sent an embarrassing message:

"My Government wants to know from each of you whether the presence of Italy is desired here and whether her collaboration in the work of European reconstruction is wanted."

It was now up to Foreign Secretary Eden to state his case. The use of poison gas against the Ethiopians was the point at issue, and he had eight specific instances of it between Dec. 30, and mid-March. The Suez Canal Co. reported that over 250 tons of Italian poison gas had passed the canal in the last four months. Italy must either agree to an immediate armistice or face an oil embargo, was the Eden ultimatum.

"The British Government," said this self-righteous Briton, "feels that what is done in Addis Ababa today is likely to happen in London or Paris tomorrow, if Italians are allowed to commit atrocities with impunity."

Up popped France's Flandin: "In Europe Germany has violated a treaty, her moral condemnation has been proclaimed by the League, and no sanctions of any kind have been levied against her. What do you propose to do about it?"

To this poser Captain Eden slowly answered: "Let me make it perfectly clear that in the Ethiopian affair the Committee is dealing with the question of invasion of the territory of a League member by another state. . . . If a similar violation of one nation's territory were to take place elsewhere, the British Government would assume the same attitude."

The French Foreign Office whooped with delight, for here was one more admission that Britain felt bound to go to the aid of France in case of a German invasion.

Britain's next move was obvious: to prevent Italy, through France, postponing definite action on a forced armistice. Over violent French objections Mr. Eden persuaded the Committee of Thirteen to return to their table again two days after Easter. Now Rome, so optimistic at the week's start, was beginning to grow anxious. Days were passing. Haile Selassie was still alive. Dessye had not yet fallen.

All this time one delegate to the Committee of Thirteen had sat quietly in his chair, not saying a word. Tired of being a pawn in this international chess game, Gonzalo Zaldumbide of Ecuador had sent an announcement to the Journal des Nations:

"Ecuador has suspended the operation of sanctions against Italy because they have proved ineffective, because Italy is more vexed than embarrassed by them, and because as long as they last Italy will be less disposed to conciliation in her war with Ethiopia."

Ecuador's annual exports to Italy normally amount to some $295,000.

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