Monday, Dec. 26, 1932

Red Ace

Carefully concealed for the past few years, the red ace up China's silken sleeve is Bolshevism. Last week China's reaction to the League of Nations' failure so far to help her against Japan was to make a motion toward her trump. Only the merest motion, for the Chinese gentlemen who compose the present government are astuteness itself. They let big, round-face Soviet Foreign Commissar Maxim Maximovitch Litvinov announce with unction at Geneva last week that Russia, the world's largest nation, and China, the world's most populous nation, have resumed the diplomatic relations which China broke off in 1927.

There could be no objection to such recognition. As a matter of fact Japan's Geneva Delegate, suave Yosuke Matsuoka, felt obliged to "congratulate" Comrade Litvinov--but soon after they shook hands Japanese stock prices began to fall. "The elements most disturbing to the peace of the world have now joined hands," cried the Japanese Foreign Office press spokesman in Tokyo. "Japan stands squarely against these forces."

In Chinese politics everything is indirect. Leaders of the present conservative Nanking Government got their start as revolutionaries in Canton. Openly accepting Russian gold and assisted by Moscow's most effective propagandist. Comrade Michael Borodin, they launched a war of conquest which swept across all China (TIME, Sept. 7, 1925 et seq.). Their innate wisdom caused them to break with Moscow at exactly the right moment. Triumphantly installed at Nanking, they washed their hands of everything Communist, sent Comrade Borodin packing, appealed for recognition by all the Great Powers and gradually obtained it.

Last week soldiers of the Nanking Government were actually fighting the Soviet-financed armies of Communist bandits in Central China at the very moment when diplomats of the Nanking Government were exchanging documents of recognition with the Soviet union. This paradox was accepted in China with complacence. Chinese cheered up. A caucus of the Kuomintang (Government "People's Party") at Nanking oozed bland contentment. By three almost unanimous smash votes the Kuomintang urged the Government: 1) to "encourage and intensify" the Chinese boycott of Japanese goods--this boycott having furnished the specific excuse cited by Japan for her bombardment of Shanghai (TIME, Feb. 1); 2) to send money and munitions to the Chinese bandits and volunteers who continue to harass Japanese forces in Manchukuo; 3) to mass large Chinese forces near the frontier of Manchukuo, ready to attack at a propitious moment and recover "the four eastern provinces of China."

Sponsors of these drastic measures were at first announced to include Finance Minister Dr. T. V. Soong, who would have to find the money for a Chinese military adventure and Sun Fo. son of the late, great Dr. Sun Yatsen, "Father of the Revolution" of 1911 which overthrew China's ruling Manchu House. Next day Dr. Soong and Mr. Sun denied sponsoring the resolutions which, nevertheless, had passed and produced immediate results. Within a few hours Chinese patriots stole into the British Concession at Tientsin, approached the residence of the Japanese Consul General, threw a bomb which exploded with much noise, little effect.

At Hankow posters appeared, proclaiming "Hankow will be Communist by Christmas!" In Shanghai a Russo-Chinese steamship company was organized, announced that its ships wall ply between Shanghai and Vladivostok. Just how important the new Russo-Chinese rapprochement seems in Chinese eyes appeared when the Nanking Government appointed its Minister to the U. S., Dr. W. W. Yen, to be Ambassador to Russia. Dr. Yen, who has been fighting China's losing League battle in Geneva, prepared last week to follow Comrade Litvinov straight to Moscow.

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