Monday, May. 12, 1930

Red Letters

Amtorg is a suite of offices on Manhattan's arch-respectable Fifth Avenue where businessmen from all over the U. S. deal with Red Russians who talk broken English but drive buying and selling bargains to a gross of $115,000,000 yearly.

Backed by the goodwill of many a potent, impeccable U. S. corporation with whom he deals in millions, bold Board Chairman Peter Alexeivich Bogdanov of Amtorg actually dared last week to sug gest that he will sue sleek Grover Aloysius ("Gardenia") Whalen, Police Commissioner of New York. If Red Bogdanov succeeds in silencing Mr. Whalen, "ruble diplomacy" will have won its outstanding victory thus far, for the Commissioner charged last week nothing less than that Amtorg is a backer, political and financial, of organized Communist agitation in the U. S., that Amtorg in short is helping to foment "the World Revolutions of the World Proletariat." Earlier victories of "ruble diplomacy" include the arrangement whereby -- although the Soviet Government is supposed to be too reprehensible to receive diplomatic recognition -- the State Department issues permits under which Chairman Bogdanov and his scores of Red employes come and go without hindrance between Moscow and New York. Mr. Whalen handed out to newspapers a set of letters obtained by his undercover men, one typed on the stationery of Amtorg, others with Moscow letterheads. Impartial observers wondered if here was another "Zinoviev Letter," like that which rocked British politics in 1924 and upset the first MacDonald Cabinet after it had recognized the Soviet Government. Crudely phrased, prolix, roundabout, the letters arrive awkwardly at these points: 1) One "Feodor" of Moscow writes to one "G. Grafpen," ordering him to go to "Seattle in the State of Washington," conferring on him a "mandate" respecting "illegal work," and continuing: "Between the 15th and 26th of March you will have to call in Seattle a reunion of all our general representatives, which must receive instructions, literature for organization of the First of May outbreaks from you and sums of money from Comrade Sversky, who continues to be in charge of the financial department."

2) "G. Grafpen" replies to "Fedorov" (not "Feodor" as above) from Manhattan on the letterhead of Amtorg dated "loth March 1930," naming over a list of "Comrades" whom he asks shall not be recalled to Moscow, as this "might result in a very serious handicap in our work."

One of these indispensable comrades is described as "Bogdanov," and this fact would presumably be the basis of any suit by Chairman Bogdanov of Amtorg against Commissioner Whalen.

To reporters Mr. Whalen described his documents as "very definite and complete." He identified the "Comrade Sversky" whom "Feodor" mentions as the paymaster of Red agents in the U. S., as Director Boris E. Skvirsky of the Soviet Union Information Bureau at Washington.

Both Chairman Bogdanov and Director Skvirsky denounced the letters as "absolute forgeries." The New York World had fun hunting up Russian linguistic experts and reporting on their say-so that the phrase "pervo-may-skich-vystoopleni," which Mr. Whalen's translator said meant "May Day outbreaks," might better be rendered "First of May parades."

Seasoned observers noted that whenever letters purporting to incriminate the Soviet Government turn up: 1) They are always awkwardly phrased and always mention comrades by either first or last name but never both; 2) If they incriminate only Russians, there is a hullabaloo which dies down indecisively without any adequate investigation; 3) If high officials in the country where the letters appear seem to be involved, thorough investigation results in the conclusion that they are forgeries. (Cases in point: 1) The Zinoviev letter, now generally considered a forgery; 2) The letters purporting to show that Senators Borah and Norris had taken $100,000 each from the Reds, which were definitely proven forgeries by investigations pursued across the Atlantic and through numerous German courts.)

In Washington, correspondents listening at the Congressional keyhole thought they heard that Commissioner Whalen's letters will bring to the point of action the long-mooted Congressional investigation of U. S. machinations by the Reds. The House Immigration Committee last week was already studying photostatic copies of certain of the letters. Whether or not the letters are genuine, whether or not the Soviet Government is directly implicated, there is no question that the Third (Communist) Internationale, a world propaganda organization with headquarters in Moscow, is dedicated to the principle of the "World Revolution of the World Proletariat" and is in sympathetic touch with Communist organizations in the U. S., whether or not it sends them orders or money.

The Central Committee of the American Communist Party issued a statement last week unlikely to help their cause:

"These forgeries fit into the anti-Soviet campaign of the countless varieties of 'God's business agents on earth,' who parade in the robes of popes, bishops, rabbis and ministers.

"These forgeries are part of the anti-Soviet campaign with which International Capitalist Reaction prepares its contemplated war against the Soviet Union."

One of the hardest things a U. S. citizen can attempt in Russia is to convince the Soviet citizens he meets that Uncle Sam is not busy sharpening a bayonet which he means some day to plunge into the Russian Bear. Millions of Russians believe today in "the inevitability of the international class war": Communism v. Capitalism. Example: When the Naval Conference met in London, leading Moscow papers printed an "expose" in which the "real purpose" of Messrs. Hoover and MacDonald in calling the Conference was alleged to be the hatching of a plot for concerted action by the Capitalist Powers against Communist Russia.

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