Bingham's Report

The land of China is so troubled and war-torn that only one prominent Occidental is known to have traveled there extensively within the present year. This gentleman is U. S. Senator Hiram Bingham of Connecticut. He completed last week a tour which his influence and his wealth have enabled him to push far into the interior. Moreover, Mr. Bingham has visited and talked with all the principal Chinese leaders at the three chief seats of Chinese government: Peking, Nanking, Hankow. When the Senator emerged at Shanghai last week his mind held a panoramic picture of China in which each element was the prize of costly, hard-sought research.

How competent is Hiram Bingham to form a true mental picture in this way? He is Republican to the core; intensely and practically pious; rich because of the wealth of a small, frail wife who has borne him seven sons; and learned with the knowledge of an explorer in Peru and of a onetime (1909-24) professor at Yale University. He is human enough to set above his mantle framed letters from various "celebrities." Of recent years he has made a sound, tenacious success in politics. His voice, his jaw and his eyes are hard--not particularly pleasant. Therefore, it would have been easy last week for him to make at Shanghai a statement calling for "strong measures" by the U. S. in China. Instead Mr. Bingham expressed so utterly the opposite view that his words had double weight. He said:

"I am convinced that the Chinese revolution is a fact and armed intervention is utterly impossible as a means of solving either ^ the powers' problem or China's. China's mind has been definitely convinced that its ills are due to the foreigners and it will be impossible to eradicate them as long as the present treaty position exists.

"We must recognize that the old days are past and no force can restore them, hence the sooner we admit this the better for the United States. . . .

"We should send commissioners to all of China's governments as soon as possible to open negotiations for new treaties, making them on the best terms we can, for the longer we wait the poorer the terms are likely to be.

"I cannot attempt to foretell China's future, but certain facts are evident at this time: 1) The revolution's deep-rooted permanent effects are changing the political and social characteristics of the people; 2) There will probably be several governments in China for a long time, as size and complexities impede rapid unification; 3) It is of no advantage for foreigners to attempt to impede the revolution or to interfere with the normal development of any one of the various governments by not recognizing it or recognizing only its opponents; 4) Nanking, possessing the wealthy background of Shanghai, seems momentarily the most stable of the independent governments. It actually controls more territory and engenders greater confidence among the substantial elements of the Chinese people; 5) The Chinese are unable to control mobs and the rougher elements; hence protection on our part is still necessary and probably will continue to be necessary.

"This does not mean that favor armed intervention, which I am thoroughly convinced is most impractical, but I believe that we must leave our warships and marines in China for a long time."