Presidential Message

When excitement at Washington was at its apogee, last week, over the Nicaraguan situation (See p. 8) a sarcastic hope was voiced by Senator Reed (see above) that the President would not express himself concerning Nicaragua and Mexico exclusively through "The Spokesman of the White House," but would tell Congress unequivocally what was in his mind. After letting the Senators fulminate for a few days longer President Coolidge granted their wish. He caused to be read to the House and Senate a message which repeated over his signature almost exactly what he had told the press for weeks in his bi-weekly role of The Spokesman of the White House.

The President brought the "rightness" of U. S. recognition of Senor Diaz down to a specific point. Was or was not Dr. Sacasa (the duly elected Vice President of Nicaragua) in Nicaragua on Nov. 10, 1926? He was not. Very well. Article 106 of the Nicaraguan Constitution provides that in the absence of the President and Vice President, the Congress shall designate one of its members to complete the unexpired presidential term. The Vice President was absent. The President, Ser Solorzano had resigned. Therefore the Nicaraguan Congress acted constitutionally on Nov. 10, 1926, when it elected Adolfo Diaz President. Therefore the U. S. has recognized the only lawful and constitutional President of Nicaragua.

Those who followed closely this portion of the speech wondered why Vice President Sacasa was absent from Nicaragua on Nov. 10, 1926. The President did not touch upon this point. Dr. Sacasa, of course, declares that he was absent because, had he been present he would have been shot down like a dog by his enemies: the Diaz-Charnorro faction. President Coolidge observed en passant, that at the end of November, after spending some time in Mexico City, Dr. Sacasa went back to Nicaragua, landing at Puerto Cabezas, near Bragman's bluff (with an armed force).

The inference is inescapable that, if Dr. Sacasa had been able to arrive with his forces before Nov. 10, instead of "at the end of November," he (Sacasa) would be today the Constitutional President of Nicaragua.

Secondly, the President brought down to another definite point the reason why the U. S. is intervening to support Diaz as President.

President Coolidge said:

"The United States cannot, therefore, fail to view with deep concern any serious threat to stability and constitutional government in Nicaragua tending toward anarchy and jeopardizing American interest, especially if such state of affairs is contributed to or brought about by outside influences or by any foreign power. . . .

"As a matter of fact, I have the most conclusive evidence that arms and munitions in large quantities have been on several occasions since August, 1926, shipped to the revolutionists in Nicaragua. Boats car- rying the munitions have been fitted out in Mexican ports, and some of the munitions bear evidence of having belonged to the Mexican govern- ment. . . ."

The President then conjured up at length the investments of U. S. citizens in Nicaragua and the right purchased by the U. S. for $3,000,- 000 to build an inter-ocean canal across Nicaragua.

In conclusion the President declared: "Manifestly the relation of this government to the Nicaraguan situation, and its policy in the existing emergency, are determined by the facts which I have described. ... I am sure it is not the desire of the United States to intervene in the internal affairs of Nicaragua or of any other Central American republic. . . .'

The President adduced no reason why Mexicans do not possess the same right to sell arms to the Sacasa faction that U. S. citizens exercise in selling arms to the Diaz faction. Instead President Coolidge defended his policy squarely and courageously on the ground that, "We have a very definite and special interest in the maintenance of order and good government in Nicaragua at the present time."