Coup d'Etat .

Just before the first sunbeams cast their light upon the Acropolis ont morning last week, a simultaneous revolt broke out in the Army and Navy at Athens and Salonika.

At 10 o'clock, General Pangalos, head of the Army insurgents, who had established his troops between Athens and the seaport Piraeus, and Admiral Hajikiriakos, leader of the naval insurgents, who had hoisted his flag on board the Averoff off Piraeus, sent ultimata to Admiral Konduriotis, Provisional President of the Hellenic Republic, charging the Government with general inefficiency and claiming that they spoke for the people, which they certainly did not. The two leaders demanded the dismissal of the Government and the surrender of the Treasury, failing which they threatened to bombard the infantry in barracks, the Presidential Palace and the War Office.

The ultimata were immediately communicated to Premier Michalakopoulos and, after a Cabinet Council, the Government presented its collective resignation to the Provisional President.

General Pangalos and Admiral Hajikiriakos forthwith occupied Athens. There was some spectacular firing but no bloodshed and no damage. The Provisional President was permitted to request ex-Premier Papanastasiou to form a Government, but as his party, the Radical Republicans of the Democratic Union, declined to support him, he early abandoned his Cabinetmaking attempt. A government was forthwith formed by General Pangalos, who became Premier and Minister of War with Admiral Hajikiriakos as Minister of Marine.

At the Presidential Palace, the outgoing Premier, M. Michalakopoulos, was present, according to custom, when the Pangalos Cabinet was sworn in. The following dialog was reported:

Michalakopoulos, ironically: "Permit me to congratulate you."

Pangalos, testily: "We shall work for the country."

Michalakopoulos, acidly: "I do not contest your patriotism."

Pangalos, patronizingly: "We do not deny you that, but do not agree with your methods." And after a short pause, meaningly: "I hope the politicians are not going to create any obstacles."

Michalakopoulos, with surprise : "You surely do not imagine that we shall crown your work."

For a number of years, the Army, backed by the Navy, has been the only vital force in Greece. Since the Allies demanded the abdication of King Constantine in 1917, the public has tended to become more and more apathetic to political events at Athens and completely subservient to the demands and wishes of the military parties.

Before 1914, the political condition of Greece was relatively stable, but the friction between the pro-German Constantine and the pro-Entente Venizelos was the beginning and the end of this modest stability. The King was outwardly neutral and inwardly in favor of entering the War on the side of Germany. Venizelos was wholeheartedly for intervening in the conflict on the side of the Allies. There was not room for Constantine and his Premier, so Venizelos was dismissed. For two years, cabinet succeeded cabinet with bewildering rapidity until Constantine was himself dismissed. His son Alexandros succeeded to the throne, but later a monkey bit him and he died.

Amid scenes of tremendous enthusiasm throughout the country, Constantine came back in 1920 and reigned until September, 1922. He was now a sick man and under constant fire from the Venizelists. The hopeful war against Turkey proved disastrous to Greek arms and in the ignominy of defeat, Constantine was for the second time chased from the country. He was succeeded by another son, Georgos II. The young King was moved by the best intentions, but was unable to keep his finger out of the political pie. This in itself was never a serious factor, but it entailed some friction and militated against political security at a time when calm was the one thing Greece needed. But the rise of ambitious soldiers like General Pangalos, who has been considered, even in Republican circles, as an adventurer with the Army behind him, was the chief cause of agitation. King Georgos was sent on an enforced vacation pending a plebiscite on the future status of Greece (TIME, Dec. 31, 1923). A few months later, the Greeks, who had not two years before given overwhelming proof of their devotion to the royal house, voted 758,742 to 352,322 for the establishment of a Republic (TIME, Apr. 28, 1924). King Georgos joined the colonies of ex-royalty which are dotted about the face of the globe.

As regards political stability, the Hellenic Republic was to be no better than the Monarchy. It was, perhaps, so far as it concerned foreign affairs, the price which Greece had to pay for getting rid of the royal house at the only time it was of any use to her; for one of King Georgos' sisters was the Crown Princess of Rumania, the King's wife was a daughter of the King and Queen of Rumania and one of the King's brothers-in-law was the King of Yugo-Slavia. Queen Marie of Rumania had cleverly set the stage for strong Balkan alliance. It was natural, after the republican "doings" in Greece, that the friendship of Yugo-Slavia and Greece cooled and the Balkan alliance received a severe set-back.

Internal politics were no better. The political leaders were unable to keep the peace for more than a few days. Cabinets fell and rose. Venizelos, who had been recalled from a self-imposed exile, became Premier (TIME, Jan. 21, 1924). A few days in power and he fell (TIME, Feb. 11, 1924) and in a month had again left the country to stew in its own juice (TIME, March 17, 1924). A Kafandaris Cabinet was succeeded by a Papanastasiou, by a Sofoulis, by a Michalakopoulis.

The recent trouble was engendered some two weeks ago. Certain military officers had expressed themselves very plainly against the Government, which was still struggling with the tremendous problem of settling and providing for the thousands of refugees from Turkey. The Government announced that it intended to take disciplinary measures against the officers. General Kondylis, the War Minister, prepared to take energetic action to restore the Army's discipline. General Pangalos answered by contributing a statement to the Politcia, Athens journal: "Every hair on the heads of the Republican officers which may be interfered with will be paid for by the heads of Venizelists [Government Party].' It is known that I never threaten in vain. I now threaten." And he was as good as his word.