Via Pacis

In the world forum at Geneva, the Conference for the Control of the International Trade in Arms, Ammunition and Implements of War, called by the League of Nations for last May (TIME, May 11 et seq.), came to the end of its labors. Amid the clinking of Vermouth glasses and the attendant sounds of mirth, it was evident that the assembled delegates of 45 nations were well pleased with the outcome of their long negotiations.

"Thanks to the perseverance and perhaps also to the prestige of the League of Nations," said Count Carton de Wiart, President of the Conference, in his final speech, "44 [Persia dropped out] States, members and nonmembers, came to the Conference. And today, in spite of 'Jonahs,' we are able to present to the world a solid structure, not built on clouds, but founded on a rock of solid realities. Reduction of armaments is not yet achieved, but an important step has been made toward it. Let us render thanks to the League of Nations."

Representative Burton (U. S.), M. Clauzel (France), Lord Onslow (Britain), Herr von Echardt (Germany) and numerous others said in effect: "At last we are marching along the road of peace."

Mr. Burton may have sighed, privately, his thanks that at last he had something to sign. For he had been in a difficult position. He was attending a League Conference, pledged to have nothing to do with the League. He was dealing with a group of interests more diverse, and men more scheming than he had met even in his long career in U. S. politics. Then, too, he was an old man, 74, who had served 17 years in the House as Congressman from Ohio, then 6 years in the Senate (1909-15), and has already rounded out more than another 4 years in the House. By this time he must be a little weary of high-sounding words, and a little skeptical of the saving virtues of high-flown agreements--skeptical perhaps, but not cynical. The son of a Congregational minister who believed in predestination and foreordination, he himself began with an intention of entering the ministry; but, after two years' preparation, turned to the law and politics. Always a serious mortal, with few pleasures, he studies thoroughly the subjects he attempts--and masters them. For example, he is a master of Rivers and Harbors legislation and of public expenditures. Before he speaks, he learns ; and before he went abroad, he mastered the question of international trade in arms. Then he was required to listen to 43 days of debate and expressions of good intentions. At last there was something to sign--an end of bickering.

The other delegates were quite as pleased. They had gone to Geneva a hopeful band of enthusiastic idealists. At Geneva, they found it indispensable to pose as disillusioned realists. After Geneva, they were again idealists giving scope to their dream--a warless world. How far they had reconciled idealism with realism was a story told by the convention.

Sale of Arms. The raison d'etre of the Conference was, as implied by its title, to control the private manufacture of, and the traffic in, armaments of all kinds. How was it to be done? Discussion narrowed the question down to a maxim that non-arms-producing States should not be placed at the mercy of arms-producing nations; or, inversely, nonproducers would be made producers. It followed that the sovereignties of the participating States should in no sense be infringed.

With that in mind, the production of armaments was virtually, and the sale of armaments was actually, placed under Government control; and all classes of war munitions may be sold by Governments to Governments, whether recognized or not. The agreement also included sporting rifles.

Publicity. The next important and highly controversial subject was the publication of statistics. U. S. Representative Burton would not hear of a League Central Publicity Board. The other nations would not hear of any other board. The matter was settled by leaving publicity to the nations concerned, which are morally bound to publish, within two months after each quarter, all sales of warships, armored cars, airplanes, airships, firearms (except sporting guns as distinct from rifles) and ammunition. In the case of States contiguous to Russia, permission was given for them, if they so desired, to reserve the obligation of publishing statistics on movements of munitions until such a time as Russia subscribed to the Covenant. Esthonia, Finland, Latvia, Poland and Rumania immediately availed themselves of their right.

Chemical War. The U. S. brought up the advisability of banning exportation of poison gas. Hungary brought up the question of abolishing the use of bacteria in war. Considerable differences arose concerning chemicals and bacteria designed for war and those for peaceful scientific purposes. The Conference ultimately adopted a protocol generally prohibiting chemical and bacteriological warfare as laid down in the Washington Treaty.

Restricted Areas. With the object of preventing shipment of munitions to backward nations (chiefly in Africa), certain areas (including the Gulf of Persia on which many rifles are carried to the Northwest frontier) were placed in prohibitive zones. Persia, who saw her sovereignty threatened, was offended, left the Conference.

Ratification. It was originally intended to make the Convention effective on the ratification by 14 States, 7 of which were specified. The plan was wisely abandoned and the Convention became effective for each signatory State upon its formal adhesion.