Ad Interim

A plethora of comment inflated the receptive pages of journals, hebdomadals and mensals to show whether or not the election of Generalfeldmarschall Paul von Hindenburg to the German Presidency meant "this," meant "that." A consensus of more reliable opinion averred that the Field Marshal's election was an omen of good import, that it meant the beginning of a rule of law and order with no immediate, though probably a later (one writer mentioned ten years) restoration of the monarchy, that it presaged a fuller return of foreign confidence and a resumption by Germany of her place in the comity of nations.

At Hanover, home of the President-elect, a torrent of letters and telegrams, many from U. S. business men, swamped the post office and almost drowned the aged Field Marshal with congratulations. Chancellor Hans Luther was an early caller and, after a short interview, followed by a consultation with his colleagues, he announced in the Reichstag that his Cabinet would remain in office.

Dr. Wilhelm Marx, ex-Chancellor, leader of the Catholic or Centre Party and the defeated Republican bloc Presidential candidate, sent his congratulations, accompanied by a long admonition to the President-elect to continue the Republican policies of economic restoration, democratic government, international reconciliation, peace, prosperity and reattainment of German world influence and position. The Field Marshal responded by thanking him for expressing the same sentiments that he would have expressed had Dr. Marx been elected, that he was proud to learn that Dr. Marx also stood for German solidarity and reconstruction and that he, too, was a man of principle above party politics.

It was decided that the Field Marshal's inauguration should take place on May 12. The President-elect appointed his only son, Major Oscar von Hindenburg, as his personal adjutant, and it was reported, but not confirmed, that he had asked Dr. Meissner, President Ebert's secretary, to remain in office. The aged soldier let it be known that he was opposed to any form of military pomp at his inauguration and that he would swear allegiance to the Constitution in civilian dress. He was, moreover, reported to have overruled his advisers by stating decisively that he would receive the Diplomatic Corps on May 14. He was urged to receive them much later.

In spite of many rumors, and French charges, that the President-elect is likely to use his powers to aid the homecoming of the Hohenzollerns, his powers are strictly limited. He receives diplomats and State visitors, dissolves the Reichstag (but only on the recommendation of the Chancellor), signs treaties, acts and other instruments which, however, are not valid without the signature of the Chancellor or the responsible Cabinet Minister. The President makes all appointments on the Chancellor's suggestion, does not choose Cabinet Ministers, but does appoint the Chancellor. His one unrestricted right is that of dismissing the Cabinet.

On the other hand, it requires a majority of the people to depose the President for any political reason, and, if the people vindicate the President, he is automatically reflected for a term of seven years.

For any unconstitutional act, the President may, however, be impeached upon the resolution of not less than 100 Reichstag Deputies, carried by not less than a two-thirds majority of the Reichstag.