Election

Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg. pro-Monarchist candidate, had two things in his favor in the Presidential election: 1) Several speeches made, last week, by Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann, leader of the German Peo ple's or Industrialist Party, in Hindenburg's behalf, which removed all doubt on the attitude, not only of his party, but of the Government; 2) public denial that U. S. bankers had threatened to withhold credits from Germany should the old soldier, nearly 78 years of age, be elected.

On a drizzling Sunday, 31,000,000 Germans, or 85% of the electorate, went to the polls from church, or to church from the polls. Serious disturbances--between Monarchists, Republicans and Communists--interrupted the Sabbath calm. From north and south, east and west of Germany reports filtered in telling tales of violence. Several persons were killed, many were more or less seriously injured. In Berlin, the same story was told; but it fell to the Communists to supply a note of humor. The Communist Red Cat or ganization paraded the city in motor trucks singing their "Miau-Miau" song.

Two hours after the closing of the polls, returns began to trickle in. Early reports showed ex-Chancellor Marx, Republican candidate, in the lead; but as time wore on, Hindenburg grew stronger and stronger. Marx captured Berlin by a huge majority. At Nuernberg, Stuttgart, Cassel, Heidelberg, Marx scored slight victories over the Monarchists; but the Field Marshal came back strong in Munich, Stettin, Leipzig, Halle, "the reddest town in Germany," Frankfort, Coburg, home of deposed monarchs. Finally, in the early hours of the morning, Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg was declared elected President of the German Republic. Returns:

Hindenburg, pro-Monarchist...14,648,755

Marx, Republican............13,760,089

Thaelmann, Communist.......1,931,635

Void ballots.......21,896

Hindenburg's relative majority......888,684

Hindenburg's absolute minority.....521,473

Field Marshal von Hindenburg is the first German to be elected President on a popular vote, for the late President Ebert was appointed by the Weimar Assembly, the constituent body which framed the Republican Constitution. The election of the Field Marshal means that roughly 48% of the German people arc in favor of a Monarchy (for whatever vaporings have appeared in the press, the essential issue was Monarchy vs. Republic, although there is no question of an immediate restoration of the Hohenzollerns). About 45% of the people remain attached to the Republican regime, although the Catholics, forming about 30% of the Republican vote, could certainly be expected to sup port a Monarchical fait accompli. Something under 8% of the people favor a dictatorship of the proletariat.

More important for the present is the personality of the Field Marshal. In 1914. he was recalled from the retirement into which he had been sent by the Kaiser, appointed to the command of the Eighth Army and as such won the immortal (from the German point of view) victories of Tannenberg and the Masurian Lakes. He was subsequently promoted to be Field Marshal, appointed Chief of the General Staff (the highest Army position) in succession to Falkenhayn.

Military critics have been inclined to give credit to General von Ludendorff for the Tannenberg victory. Be that as it may, Hindenburg got public credit for the victories; his immense wooden statue in War-time Berlin was veritably the fulcrum post of German patriotism and his popularity dwarfed all the leaders of Germany.

At the end of the War, when Royal feet were running and the great soldiers were subject to public execration, Hindenburg stood firm. He placed himself at the disposal of the Provisional Republican Government and led the defeated German Army home to its dis bandment, remaining in active command until July 3, 1919. For this, he earned the gratitude of the Government and the people and the admiration of the Allies.

But it would be a mistake to think that the Field Marshal was as popular as he had been. He did not regain his old popularity until (when Lloyd George's slogan of "Hang the Kaiser" was still being seriously regarded) he offered to place himself at the disposal of the Allies to stand trial in place of the ex-Emperor. All Germany resounded with his praise. Whenever Hindenburg appeared in public, he was the centre of a friendly demonstration and, on his birthdays, sausages, sauerkraut and beer found their way in vast quantities to his Hanover home.

Today, President Field Marshal von Hindenburg is the figurehead of the German Reich (the last word, still retained, means Empire), wielding power comparable to but less extensive than that of the French President. He has sworn to uphold the Constitution, and, after hearing of his election, said: "The people must not imagine I shall let myself be steered by any party." But he will be the symbol of Monarchy and as such can be counted upon with certainty on rallying still more Germans to the cause of Monarchism. The first blow has been struck for the return of the Monarchy.

Reports in the foreign press that the election of Hindenburg means a sudden change of policy were largely hostile propaganda. The best political brains of Germany are behind the Monarchist cause. The present Government is predominantly Monarchist. They can, taking stock of the actual situation, be relied upon to work the Experts' ( Dawes) Plan, conclude the Five Power Pact, if France will let them, which recognized the cession of Alsace and Lorraine (TIME, Mar. 16) and generally follow the policy adopted by Republican Germany: for to do otherwise would assuredly spell disaster to Germany.