New Elections?

When Charon ferried the soul of the assassinated Socialist Deputy Matteotti over the Styx (TIME, June 23), the people of Rome became as excited as when, over two thousand years before, Marcus Antonius had stirred their for- bears to the burning indignation of the Ides of March, following the assassination of Julius Caesar.

Matters came to a head, apparently, in the Camera del Deputati last week when, in consequence of a charge that he had incited Fascisti to acts of violence, that terminated in the assassination, Deputy Giunta offered to resign the Vice Presidency of the Chamber in order to stand trial.

While Premier Mussolini rested a glowering face against podgy hands, a lively debate began between Fascisti and Opposition. Whilom Fascisti, now Liberal, Deputy Boeri was emphatic in stating that the Vice President's resignation ought to be accepted. From the Fascist side of the Chamber were leveled at him all manner of insults. He was reminded that he entered Parliament because of Fascist votes; was it not plain, therefore, that his resignation rather than Giunta's was at stake? "If you refuse Giunta's resignation," he challenged, "I shall consider it an honor to resign."

At this moment the inanimate form of Benito became charged with energy. Standing up, his eyes blazing with fury, he pointed a manicured digit at Deputy Boeri and boomed with suppressed emotion :

"Resign!"

Retorted Boeri, amid scenes of ineloquent anger: "When I entered Par- liament on the Fascist ticket, I did not know I was assuming any penal responsibilities."

The Chamber then voted to reject the Vice President's resignation by a solid Fascist majority. Ex-Premier Salandra, hitherto a faithful ally of Benito, voted for acceptance of the resignation; after the decision of the vote was announced, he, joined by the followers of ex-Premiers Orlando and Giolitti, left the Chamber as a protest.

Mussolini came with a jerk to the end of this tether. Deserted by the ex-combatants, by many of his own party and by several leading allies, he still had enough loyal Fascisti to hold the fort of Government. But outside the Parliament, the sea of the Opposition's discontent was running dangerously high, dark clouds scurried across the political sky driven by a shrieking wind, while angry darts of lightning flashed from the tongues of orators to be followed by the thunder of the press. Dare Mussolini face the storm?

The alternative was to show the people that Fascism was fearless by allowing members of the party to stand trial for alleged offenses. But, if he were thus to pander to the demands of the Opposition, he would cause a mighty schism within the ranks of his followers ; for, if he were to expose his comrades to the just demands of the law, he would also be denying the right of revolution. Evidently, justice was on both sides of the fence.

For two days, Benito turned a problem over and over in his head. For three days, the Opposition press fulminated against the Government, declaring that it had no longer the confidence of the country, that it was maintaining itself in office by virtue of its iniquitous electoral law (TIME, July 2, 1923).

On the third day, just after Finance Minister de Stefrani had finished presenting the budget estimates, Premier Mussolini rose to announce that he had presented a bill to modify the present electoral law*, that on Jan. 3, after the Christmas recess, the Chamber would be reconvened to discuss his bill.

Astonished Deputies on both sides of the Chamber gasped in amazement. What did this new move token? As one man they grasped its significance: Parliament was to be dissolved, new elections on the old laws were to be held. As one man they scrambled to their feet and on all sides hissing, catcalling, whistling, booing, insults, challenges, gave way to thunderous applause. In an undertone, like the welling of the motif in the grand finale of an opera, the Savage or reactionary Fascist chanted:

Giovinezsa, Giovinezsa, Primevera de Bellesza, Nel Fascismo alia salvezza, Delia nostra libert`a.

* The present electoral law gives to the party obtaining a plurality of the votes two-thirds of the seats in the Chamber. This law had the advantage of securing to the country a stable Government; it had the disadvantage of transcending representative government. The old law was based_ on proportionate representation and scrutin de lists (method by which the people vote for as many deputies as the electoral district has to elect), the majority party assuming control of the government.