Irish Crisis

For the umpteenth and last time Northern Ireland refused to nominate a delegate to represent her on the Irish Boundary Commission (TIME, May 5, et seq.). Furthermore, it was stated that whatever the decision of the Boundary Commission is, the North will demand an appeal.

Under this extreme recalcitrancy lies trouble of a kind that is manufactured only in Ireland. Northern Ireland claims that the six counties Armagh, Antrim, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry, Tyrone) which form her territory, were delimited in the Government of Ireland Act of 1920; that the boundary between the Free State and Northern Ireland (cause of all the trouble) was therefore fixed and agreed to by the North and the Parliament at Westminster.

The Irish Free State, which was not a party to the Government of Ireland Act, and which came into existence by virtue of the Free State (Agreement) Act of 1922, sees the whole matter in a different light. In the Act which recorded her birth, the Free State bartered for the establishment of a boundary commission to fix finally the border line between the two Irish states. To this Act the Northern Government was not a party and has firmly declined to admit the legality of a boundary commission.

When Englishmen and Irishmen had brought about something resembling Irish peace in 1922, many thought that recurrent Irish turmoils would be matters for the Irish to settle. Britain had washed her hands of Ireland. But the conflicting treaties have injected the Irish question into British politics to such an extent that it is one of the cardinal issues to be discussed in the next session of Parliament.

Britain, a party to both Irish Acts, is in the position of having sold the same piece of ground to two purchasers. The North sticks to its contention that the six counties are an integral part of Northern Ireland. The Free State claims that the final disposition of Tyrone and Fermanagh, both said to be predominantly Catholic counties in a Protestant State, should be settled in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants. Irish disagreement is proverbial, but to make matters worse even the English cannot agree. Some claim that the Boundary Commission, as defined by the Free State Act, was empowered only to rectify the frontier. Ex-Premier George has himself said: "Only a parish here and a township there are likely to be transferred." Others support either the North or the Free State; and so where there is disunity there is dissension.

The British Government has announced its determination to stand by the last treaty; but the law also holds it to the Government of Ireland Act. The Northern Government has been asked to facilitate the liquidation of the row by appointing a delegate to the Commission; but the North, suspicious of the vagueness of the Free State Act, steadfastly refuses. More recently, the matter was referred to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (TIME, Aug. 11). This committee recommended to the King that the North could not be forced to name a delegate for the Commission and that special legislation would be necessary before the British Government could arrogate to itself the right for making an appointment for Northern Ireland.

When Parliament opens (this fall), legislation will be introduced; and because the Liberals support the Government, a bill to authorize Britain to nominate a delegate on the Irish Boundary Commission is certain to become law. But this will by no means end the Irish boundary question. If the Commission rectifies the boundary, the Free State will tear its hair in rage; if, on the other hand, the Commission calmly hands over Tyrone and Fermanagh to the Free State, Northern Ireland will see red. Truly a case of "where there is no peace."