Conference Diplomacy

When indurate Premier Poincare came into office, international conferences went out of fashion. He, like Demosthenes, believed that the first, second and third parts of oratory were all "action." He consented to send a representative to the Genoa Conference, but upon the conspicuous failure of that meet, M. Poincare sent his soldiers to the Ruhr and stuffed wool into his ears.

The fashion has been revived and the world is anxiously waiting for its political leaders to cut their coats according to their cloth and not indulges themselves in luxuries. Fred I. Kent, Vice President of the Bankers' Trust Co., one of the greatest financial authorities of the U. S., declared that the Experts' Plan, details of which the representatives of ten Nations were discussing in London, "carries within it so much common sense that it is hardly conceivable that sufficient force can be arrayed against it to prevent its being put into operation." But, warned he, if the plan were refused, the reaction on business in the U. S. would be "more severe than anything which has happened since the War... All European exchanges would be subject to further severe shocks. Trade and commerce would be dealt a terrible blow."

Such thoughts as these were doubtless uppermost in the minds of the 21 statesmen who trooped into the British Foreign Office and grouped themselves around a horseshoe table on a memorable July morning. Premier MacDonald took his seat in the centre, around him were grouped three other British delegates; to the right of Mr. MacDonald sat Premier Herriot of France and his men; to the left of the British Premier were U. S. Ambassador Frank B. Kellogg and Colonel James A. Logan Jr., U. S. Observer with the Reparations Commission. At the ends of the table were seated the representatives of Belgium, Greece, Italy, Japan, Portugal, Rumania, Yugo-Slavia.

Proceedings of the Conference were opened by the British Premier with an address of welcome to the "representatives of the Nations that fought by our side while the War was raging, and that now share with us the responsibility of bringing peace and security to Europe." He then went on to stress the series of failures to solve the reparations problem, to discuss the Experts' Report, to remark that "the Report demands not only obligations from Germany but from us," to emphasize the need of unity among the assembled representatives. Said he: "Without unity there can be no security; without security there can be no peace."

Return speeches were heard from all the representatives. Ambassador Kellogg took an opportunity to make his position clear by stating: "We do not come in the same capacity or with the same powers as the other delegates, because we are not parties to the Versailles Treaty, or sanctions now in force, but we come in the same spirit and desire to be helpful."

Premier Herriot then proposed Premier MacDonald as President of the Conference. The motion was seconded by Premier Theunis of Belgium and carried unanimously. After this protracted exchange of banalities, the Conference settled down to work. The result of the first morning's session was the establishment of three committees:

1) To decide upon the method by which possible German default under the Experts' Plan could be adjudicated and to settle the measures which were to be taken if this should happen.

2) To consider the best way of restoring economic and financial unity in Germany -a prerequisite condition to the operation of the Experts' Plan.

3) To determine the method of transferring German payments from the receiving office in Berlin to the Governments of the creditor countries.

None of the committees reported to the Conference, which did not hold a plenary session during the first week of its existence. The three committees, however, worked hard, even on Sunday, and in spite of or because of innumerable rumors it was generally believed that real progress was being made.

Much interest was attached to the arrival of U. S. Secretary of State Charles E. Hughes in his capacity of President of the American Bar Association. Reporters swooped upon him and he was frequently forced to reiterate: "My visit is entirely unofficial and personal." Or, "I am not the Secretary of State, I am the President of the Bar Association."

But it was noticed that the President of the Bar Association was not exclusively the guest of the Lord High Chancellor and the Benchers of the Inns of Court. He was to be "wined and dined" by the King and Queen, the Lord Mayor and Alderman of the City of London, the U. S. Ambassador and by many other notables. At all these functions he was to meet the statesmen of the world and to have unrivalled opportunities for exchanging viewpoints. Said The Sunday Times of London: "He could not find himself in England at a more opportune moment." Certainly it seems hard to believe that, unofficial though his visit is, his presence on the spot will fail to influence the course of the mighty waters of conference diplomacy.