Jolly Roger

Last week, occupied mostly in organization and preparation for the fray, saw the crystallization of the first important elements of the campaign. These are simple, fundamental. They comprehend three distinct matters, each with a significance of its own. They are:

1) This is a tripartate, not a dual combat.

2) The leaders of all parties, in their several characters, and the issues of the parties, are peculiarly mixed.

3) Campaign funds must, and will be gathered, which raises three questions: How much need be gathered? How much can be gathered? How much public odium will result from the gathering?

The Three-Party Fight. The presence of a third party in the contest does not mean that there will be three contenders racing neck and neck. It means that LaFollette will try to take enough votes away from the two Reading tickets so that neither Coolidge nor Davis will have a majority in the Electoral College. In that event the election will be thrown into Congress. According to the Constitution, the House of Representatives then chooses a President from the three highest candidates, the delegation of each state casting one vote. The result would be: 5 states tied and not voting; 21 Democratic votes for Davis; 22 delegations, nominally Republican (should vote for Coolidge, but states like Wisconsin and Minnesota would probably vote for LaFollette). At any rate there would be no election, especially if Mr. LaFollette chose to prevent it. If by March 4 next, the House had made no choice, the Senate would then elect a Vice President from the two highest candidates for Vice Prsident. In the Senate the Republicans have 51 members, the Democrats 43, the Farmer-Laborites 2. Forty-nine votes are necessary to elect. Messrs. LaFollette and some of his insurgent colleagues, deserting from the Republican ranks, could easily deprive the Republicans of the necessary majority. Ergo, Mr. LaFollette would have the balance of power in choosing the next President. He might even have the opportunity of saying whether he wished Coolidge, Davis, Dawes or Charles W. Bryan for President. He probably would choose the last under such circumstances.

What chances are there of his bringing this about? Mr. LaFollette has a good chance of carrying five states: Wisconsin, Minnesota, the Dakotas, Montana. These states have 39 electoral votes. He may possibly carry seven or eight more, giving him a total of 80 electoral votes. With these votes, unless either Coolidge or Davis runs well ahead of the other, Mr. LaFollette may secure his aim.

Leaders and Issues. The Republican ticket and platform are easily and rather vaguely described as "Conservative."

The Democratic ticket is a cause of questioning. Charles W. Bryan is the unknown quantity. He wears the progressive label. He has been doing the things in the Middle West that progressives admire. The country is frankly puzzled about this mixed team. Its inconsistency opens it to attack.

Mr. LaFollette entered the second stage of his campaign by securing Senator Burton K. Wheeler of Montana for his running-mate. Thus he united a "radical" element from the Democratic Party with the insurgent Republicans he had already gathered to stand on his platform of opposition to the "predatory interests." Mr. Wheeler first repudiated John W. Davis, his party's candidate, as one tainted with Wall Street. Nevertheless Mr. Wheeler promised to support the Senatorial and State Democratic ticket in Montana. This is typical of nearly all the entrants in the new "party." They declare themselves for a third ticket. If the third ticket attains a fair degree of success, it will be time enough for them to burn their bridges, give up their present parties, join a new one. The question arises why these would-be deserters are not summarily ejected by the old parties. This might well be the case, if party control were centralized. But instead, control is scattered in every State, and the insurgents hold local parts of the party organizations in their power. The old parties prefer to have their limbs disaffected rather than disjoined.

LaFollette and Wheeler, raising the Jolly Roger, set out to scuttle conservatism and make big business walk the plank.

Campaign Funds. The question of raising money for electioneering of all kinds is this year complicated by the presence of a committee of Senators, headed by Wm. E. Borah (TIME, June 16). The committee has authority to find out what money is spent for or against any candidate, as well as who contributed the funds. Senator Borah made a preliminary request for information.

Mr. Butler answered that he believed the Republican National Committee had had about $50,000 cash on July 1 -the Treasurer would give accurate figures. The Republicans, as in previous years, have the largest party campaign fund.

The Democrats, later in organizing, had not yet replied to Mr. Borah's inquiries. It was hinted, however, that when it came their turn they would report "less than $2,500" on hand as of July 1.

The LaFollette expenditures will probably be least of the three.