A Field of Four

The field of contenders on a national scale for the Republican nomination in 1924 has narrowed to four--or rather, three and one-half. They are Calvin Coolidge, Hiram W. Johnson, William G. McAdoo and Oscar W. Underwood (half, because Mr. Underwood's activities are confined to the South).

In the Republican Party, Coolidge is the preeminent candidate and Johnson an industrious but disadvantaged rival. At present there seems likelihood of only two others going to the National Convention with pledged delegates. They are Governor Pinchot of Pennsylvania, who is expected to have only a fraction of Pennsylvania's 78 delegates, and Senator La Follette, who will have Wisconsin's delegation and some other votes from the Northwest. But because of Mr. La Follette's ill health and his "insurgency" he is not regarded as a serious contender. On the outskirts will hang several favorite sons, such as ex-Governor Lowden of Illinois, Senator Watson of Indiana and Judge Kenyon of Iowa, eager to step forward if the Coolidge forces should slip or fall into a deadlock with Senator Johnson--but not otherwise likely to be active.

In the Democratic Party, the pre-eminent candidate is McAdoo, with Underwood as a less favored rival. But the Democrats apparently will bring out a crop of favorite son candidates, not making national pre-Convention campaigns, but each going to the Convention with all or a part of his state's delegation. Such men are Senator Glass of Virginia, Senator Ralston of Indiana, Governor Smith of New York, Governor Bryan of Nebraska. The activities of the four leaders of the field:

Calvin Coolidge. The boom of Mr. Coolidge last week took on definite, organized form. William M. Butler, Republican National Committeeman from Massachusetts, was made titular head of the Coolidge organization, and announced that he would open National headquarters. There he will be in close touch with James W. Good of Iowa and James B. Reynolds of Illinois, sub-chieftains. Secretary C. Bascom Slemp takes responsibility for the South. Meanwhile, bending their constant efforts, practically taking bed and board at the White House, are Frank W. Stearns of Boston and Colonel George Harvey of Peacham, Vt.

A powerful organization is there, having virtual control of and support from the Republican National Committee and the Party's "regulars." Barring errors and breaks in the game, they apparently have victory at their call. The President officially signified his intention to run in the South Dakota primaries next March.

Hiram W. Johnson. The Senator from California last week watched the rapid and vigorous expansion of his boom under the direction of his able and active manager, Frank H. Hitchcock. Johnson has not the organization backing of Coolidge, and he has alienated some Progressives who formerly supported him, such as Borah and Norris, by being "conveniently absent" from the Senate when the attempt was made to oust Newberry, and by voting for the Fordney-McCumber tariff. Nevertheless his campaign is professional, well-financed, well-organized --and to be reckoned with.

He took opportunity to assail the "regulars" for increasing the representation of the South in the Convention (See page 5), and can be depended on to attack in any other opening that appears. His managers have announced that he would contest with Coolidge in the Massachusetts primaries, and he "welcomed" the news that Coolidge would run against him in the California primaries. He is prepared to make a red-hot fight against the Administration forces. They are willing to fight him--but not quite so bitterly, because they do not care to split the party "wide open" as in 1912.

William G. McAdoo. Needing two-thirds of the delegates to the Democratic Convention, the ex-Secretary of the Treasury has secured approximately half of the delegates to his cause. At a Democratic luncheon in Los Angeles he gave part of his program apropos of the President's message to Congress. He said: "I am made to feel that my California friends have designs on me. Whatever the future may have in store, California, at least, is double-barreled for this Presidential election. Of one thing we are certain, California is going to be more on the map in the future than ever it has been in the past. . . . The President's message is largely a counsel of dormancy. Nowhere is there the stimulating call for progress." His program, as far as outlined in his speech, is: 1) "Action"; 2) Tax reduction, especially on earned income; 3) a soldier bonus; 4) opposition to the Administration's lack of "constructive thought" on the railway question. He, too, has entered for the South Dakota primaries.

Oscar W. Underwood. The activities of the Alabaman are confined mainly to the South. The strategy of this course is the necessity of a two- thirds vote to nominate in the Democratic Convention. The Underwood men calculate that McAdoo will fail in this and they want their candidate to have a nucleus of 100 or more delegates when the alignment breaks up in the Convention and the McAdoo forces begin to disperse to other candidates. They are appealing to the South much as McAdoo is appealing to the West, yet Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida are the only states whose support Underwood can count upon with much confidence.

Henry Ford's anomalous candidacy appeared to have "flivvered." A Ford-for-President group was to have met last week at Dearborn, but at the last minute Mr. Ford vetoed the meeting. Nevertheless a few 'delegates assembled, decided to boost Ford in spite of his wishes, and planned a Convention late in January to nominate him on a third party ticket.

An incipient favorite son for the Democratic nomination has sprung up in the person of Governor Pat Neff of Texas. The Democratic state organization intimated that the Texas delegates would be instructed for Neff. The Presidential idea is said to have entered Governor Neff's head some time ago when William J. Bryan paid him a visit. He is a vigorous Dry. Mr. Bryan has asserted that if sent to the Democratic Convention as delegate from Florida he will nominate a Dry, Progressive Democrat. "Whom ?" it has been asked in Texas, "whom does he mean but Neff?"