Another Sarajevo?

The Deed. A heavily wooded and lonely stretch of road in Greece. An automobile is approaching Santa Quaranta from Janina. In the car, Italian members of the International Commission for Delimitation of the Greco-Albanian frontier -- General Tellini, Major Scorti, Lieutenant Conati, their interpreter and their chauffeur. The car is halted by a barricade of fallen trees. Shots ring out from the woods on either side of the road. . . . The five Italians are found dead. . . . The Greek Government expressed its profound regret to Italy. . . . The Ultimatum. The news of the murder was received throughout Italy with violent indignation. Demonstrations against Greece were reported in all provinces.

Premier Mussolini despatched an ultimatum to the Greek Government and demanded an answer within 24 hours: 1) Apologies of ample and official nature to be presented to the Italian Government through the legation in Athens, by the highest military authorities. 2) Solemn funeral ceremonies to be celebrated in honor of the victims of the massacre in the Catholic Cathedral at Athens, with attendance of all members of the Greek Cabinet. 3) Honors to the Italian flag to be rendered by the Greek fleet in the waters of Piraeus to the Italian Naval Division, which will go there for this purpose. The honors to take the form of 21 cannon shots by the Greek ships while flying the Italian colors on their main masts. 4) Full inquiry to be carried out on the scene of the massacre by the Greek authorities with the help of the Italian Military Attache, Colonel Perrone, for whose personal safety the Greek Government will be considered responsible. This inquiry to be concluded within five days of the acceptance of these conditions. 5) Capital punishment for all perpetrators of the crime. 6) Indemnity of 50,000,000 Italian lire (about $2,500,000) to be handed over within five days of the presentation of the Italian note. 7) Military honors to the bodies of the Italian officers when they are embarked on Italian warships to be taken to Italy. In conformity with Article 3 a portion of the Italian fleet was sent to Piraeus.

Greek Reply. The Italian ultimatum was received by the Greeks with heated resentment against its humiliating terms. Premier Gonatas replied to the Mussolini Government that Greece accepted articles 1, 2, 3 and 7, but that articles 4, 5 and 6 were unacceptable, as they infringed Greek sovereignty. The Agence d'Athene, semi-official Greek news bureau, said: " The Greek Government is ready to give every satisfaction compatible with its dignity and to make every reasonable reparation, but it cannot accept the humiliating conditions which are unprecedented in diplomatic annals." The Greek Government pointed out that it was not proved that the assassins were of Greek nationality, and denied that the crime was carried out " under the nose " of Greek authorities.

Corfu. The receipt of the Greek note in Italy fanned the public temper to white heat. Numerous violent actions against Greeks occurred from one end of Italy to the other. The Italian Government, which had previously mobilized the fleet at Taranto (in the arch of the Italian boot) refused to accept the Greek reply and ordered its men-of-war to Corfu, a Greek island in the Ionian Sea, west of Greece. On arrival, an Italian naval captain was sent ashore to demand the surrender of the town of Corfu. The Greek Governor stated that he would ask for instructions from Athens before answering the Italian demand. The Italian declined to consider this proposal, and with only ten minutes' notice to the civilian population, the Italian fleet, assisted by seaplanes, bombarded the town, causing about 65 casualties, destroying several buildings. The Greeks offered no resistance. Within an hour troops were landed and the Italian flag was hoisted over the fort in Corfu. Occupation of neighboring islands (Paxos, Antipaxos, Cephalonia, Samos) was then undertaken.

The Italian Government continued to pour troops into Corfu after the occupation. The customs were seized by the Italians and the Greek Govenment was informed that it must pay for the cost of occupation. Upward of 5,000 soldiers were in occupation of the islands of Corfu, Paxos, Antipaxos, Cephalonia and Samos, while a large portion of the Italian fleet, including seaplanes, submarines, destroyers, and auxiliary craft were patrolling the area.

Albania. The Albanian Legation at Rome stated that the crime on the Janina road was carried out by Greeks, concluding its statement with: "It is an infamous calumny to suggest that the crime was committed by Albanians."

Appeal to League. The Greek Government (while stating that if driven to it, it would defend Greek shores from Italian invasion) instructed its delegate to the League of Nations, M. Nicholas Politis, to appeal to the League of Nations under Articles 12 and 15 of the League Covenant, which provides for arbitration of a dispute. Article 16, which provides for united pressure against a member of the League who has resorted to war in defiance of the articles of the Covenant, was not invoked.

London. News of the Italian occupation was received with some alarm in Britain's capital. The Italian action was generally condemned by the press. The Admiralty ordered the Mediterranean fleet to concentrate and prepare for any eventuality. Meanwhile the Government officially placed its trust in the League of Nations. A note advising Greece to rely upon the League was sent to Athens.

Paris. The Poincare Government was forced by circumstances to divert its attention from Ruhr rumbles to Italo-Greek growls. Premier Poincare was active in preventing war by counselling the interested Powers to maintain the status quo pending the Council of Ambassadors' (not the League's) decision. He also sent an advisory note to Greece to the same effect. In the event of war, France's position is uncertain. The Parisian press is divided on the trouble, the Left and Left-Centre newspapers being pro-Greek, while the Right and Right-Centre journals are pro-Italian. The situation is being watched by France with extreme anxiety.

Little Entente. It was feared that Greece had come to an arrangement with the Little Entente, of which YugoSlavia is a member, providing for assistance in ease of war between her and Italy. It was also feared that YugoSlavia would decide that the Corfu occupation was directed against her. Any aggressive attitude on the part of the Little Entente was sure to plunge the whole of the Balkans into fanatical ferment. France (overlord of the masters of Central Europe) had counselled "watchful waiting"; therefore the attitude of the Little Entente was neutral.

League's Action. Action by the League of Nations was thwarted by Italy's threat to withdraw her membership from that body. The League offered the alternative proposal that Italy and Greece submit their dispute to the World Court. Greece was willing and Premier Mussolini was expected to agree to this proposal. Britain favored settlement by the League, but France favored the Council of Ambassadors.

Italy's Defence. Premier Mussolini stated that the occupation of Corfu was only a temporary measure and "not an act of war." The object was "to force the indemnity out of Greece and to secure general compliance with the terms of the ultimatum" nothing more."The Premier then said that Italy will stand by every demand she has made. His position was adequately backed by the people, as shown by the message of the Veterans of the World War at Venice:"At the first blast of the bugle we will be with you, Chief."

Appeal to the Allies. The Greek Government, in a note answering the various Allied notes, appealed for the formation of a special commission to inquire into the murders, suggesting that representatives of Britain, France, Italy be empowered to carry on investigations on both sides of the Greco-Albanian frontier. The note contained a significant paragraph to the effect that the Government reserved the right to collect indemnification from Italy for the Corfu occupation. Despatches from Athens described the populace of Greece as being in a high state of indignation. The press is solid in supporting the Government. In no instance was the Greek Government reported to have undertaken any armed action against Italy.

Wall Street. Big Business on Wall Street viewed the Italo-Greek situation " cheerfully", It was pointed out that in 1914 the international financial markets were thrown into a high state of excitement by European demands for loans. The present state of the market was practically unaffected by the Italian ultimatum, and no loans were asked for by Italy from U. S. or European (including Italian) bankers. As Italy cannot go to war without money, it is assumed that Italy is not planning an offensive.