Mr. Cappellini

The four-day convention opened with 500 delegates of 150,000 miners present. They came from three districts in the heart of the anthracite fields, Nos. 1, 7 and 9, and they came with division in their ranks. District 1 contains 70,000 miners of the 150,000 in the group and District 1 recently chose as its leader, by an overwhelming vote, Rinaldo Cappellini, young Italian "radical." The defeated candidate, William J. Brennan, backed by the Lewis administration, retires from the Presidency of his district on August 1. But already young Cappellini is eager to seize the reins.

The situation when the convention opened: Cappellini--the man who lost his right arm in a coal mine, got scant damages, went away for two years, educated himself, learned English, and came back as one of the most formidable leaders of the miners --Cappellini, young, black-haired, impulsive, hating the mine owners, was there, supported by a delegation which the moderates feared might control the convention. He was the man who led the fight against acceptance of the terms on which the five months' strike of last year was terminated. Opposed to him was Lewis, the big boss, who barely defeated him then. It is said that Lewis, " the best poker face West of the Hudson," had tears in his eyes when the announcement of the final vote was read, showing that Cappellini was beaten. But at this convention Cappellini was back, President-elect of the largest District in the anthracite group. What might not happen?

The first day's session was expected to be taken up largely with formalities -- organization -- speeches by the Mayor of Scranton and the Bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Scranton. As usual, Mr. Lewis was elected permanent Chairman of the convention, but Mr. Lewis had not cared to be present for the first day's routine. So Thomas Kennedy, President of District 7, a conservative, was made acting Chairman. Then was Cappellini's opportunity, before Lewis arrived.

The Bishop of Scranton had just warned his auditors against dangerous radicalism, adding: "Understand, however, a man may be a radical and do the right thing. Mussolini did a vast amount for the tranquility and prosperity of Italy." Then one of Cappellini's supporters moved that his leader be allowed to speak. Cheers burst from the delegates. Cappellini was given the floor and made his way to the platform amid an ovation.

At once the young Italian turned his guns upon the Bishop. He did not comment on the cleric's dubious classification of Mussolini as a radical. He spoke out more like a dictator than a new and untried leader. He laid down his platform: "My purpose is to see this convention conducted in a proper spirit. I want to tell you gentlemen we don't want any Mussolinis in this country. I want to tell you that Benito Mussolini has ruined organized labor in Italy. . . .

" We are about to negotiate a new contract. Put in what you think is right and fair, and when you think it right you want to stand on what is right at all times. . . .

" We have heard many times the word ' radical.' No word is more abused. No men are more crucified than those who go out to do their bit. I've done it. I know. Twenty dollars a day is not too much wages, but working people haven't got that far yet. . . .

" Finally, I want a harmonious, orderly convention, and if you have got anything in your head or in your chest to spill, spill it here, not outside."

When he finished Cappellini was the hero of the Convention; for the moment he had carried the delegates with him. And, strangely enough, from that moment he went into obscurity. His policies, one after another, came up on succeeding days, and most of them went down to defeat, but Cappellini was silent. Why wouldn't he fight? Was he biding his time? The reason cannot be stated, but the inference is clear. Cappellini is President-Elect of District No. 1, but his election must yet be ratified by the biennial District Convention, and Brennan, his opponent, had announced he would contest the election. Since Cappellini had a clear majority, it is improbable that Brennan will seek anything in the nature of a recount. The alternative is to declare Cappellini ineligible for office. On what grounds? That Cappellini is a radical with communistic tendencies. On the day that Cappellini made his speech the international board of the United Mine Workers issued a warning to its members against "boring from within" by radicals, and declared that, according to the Constitution of the United Mine Workers, all men with communistic tendencies should be tried and expelled from its ranks. If Cappellini preached any radical doctrines it might endanger the ratification of his election. Naturally he preferred to hatch his chickens rather than to count them.

President Lewis assumed the chair on the third day and spoke in a restrained key. He made a considerable point that the mine operators had more than recouped their losses of last year's strike by not making the customary summer reductions in coal prices, netting an additional profit, at the expense of the public, estimated by Mr. Lewis at over $8,500,000. He added: "The United Mine Workers are not approaching the coming wage negotiations (to replace the present contract with the mine owners, expiring on August 31) with any desire to bring about a suspension of coal production. . . . We recognize the paramount interest of the American people." Mr. Cappellini said nothing.

A motion to reinstate one Howat, who had been expelled for radicalism, was defeated, and Mr. Cappellini kept silence.

The motion of the Cappellini group to bind the Scale Committee (which negotiates with the operators) not to modify the wage demands formulated by the Convention was defeated--and again Mr. Cappellini held his peace.

A Cappellini success came in the formulation of the wage demands which will be presented to the operators. The chief ones were all advocated by Cappellini: A 20% increase of wages, the uniform eight hour day, payment of miners by the ton and not by the carload. But the effect of this Cappellini victory was almost nullified by the defeat of the motion that the Scale Committee be bound to stick to these demands. Now they are an "asking"price-- and everyone expects them to be modified in the bargaining with the operators.

It was further recommended that Cappellini and his associates be allowed to sit on the Scale Committee from the start of the negotiations with the operators (even if these negotiations start before Mr. Cappellini takes office on August 1) subject to the confirmation of his election meanwhile.

That seemed to be the gist of the matter. Doubtless Mr. Cappellini will hold his peace till his election is confirmed. But afterward? Afterward Mr. Cappellini will sit on the committee which negotiates with the operators--and with nothing to fear he may no longer remain silent.